For decades, fostering strong relations with sub-Saharan Africa has been a pillar of France’s foreign policy. Paris has been keen on forging close relations with the countries of this region, arguably making France the most important foreign player south of the Sahara.

France and Turkey Vie for Influence in Sub-Saharan Africa

France maintains a wide range of accords with most sub-Saharan countries in different fields from foreign aid and technical assistance to defense cooperation. This has all helped France to wield considerable power and influence over these countries in the political, economic, social and cultural fields.

This French influence, however, is being challenged by Turkey, an arch rival to Paris. In recent years, Ankara has been seeking to gain a foothold in the former French colonies in sub-Saharan Africa.

An example of this was last month’s visit by Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu to Niger, where he signed a host of agreements on economic and defense cooperation. This visit came a few months after the two countries signed an agreement in January of this year to allow Turkey’s General Directorate of Mineral Research and Exploration (MTA) to conduct exploration and mining operations in Niger.

Resource Competition

Although Niger is one of the world’s poorest countries with chronic hunger and malnutrition, the African country is rich in natural resources such as uranium. According to the British Geological Survey, Niger is the world’s fourth largest producer of uranium.

Of note, two-thirds of electricity generated by France come from nuclear power. One-third of the uranium used in this power production was mined in Niger by the French company Areva.

Niger is also a next-door neighbor to Libya, where Turkey and France support opposing rivals. While Turkey backs the UN-recognized, Tripoli-based Government of National Accord, France, along with Egypt, the United Arab Emirates and Russia, supports eastern strongman Khalifa Haftar, the commander of the Libyan National Army (LNA). The Turkish military assistance has helped repel a year-long assault by Haftar on Tripoli and forced him to retreat to the central city of Sirte.

Erdogan’s African Tour

In the same month of January, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan made a three-state African tour that took him to Algeria, Senegal and Gambia – all three were former French colonies.

Ankara sees Algeria as an important gate for its connectivity with the rest of Africa. The country is the largest in Africa, covering an area of 2,381,741 square kilometers, and possesses a sizable amount of natural gas and petroleum deposits, making it the fourth-biggest economy in the region.

Algeria is Turkey’s fourth natural gas supplier after Russia, Iran and Azerbaijan. It also offers attractive investment opportunities for Turkish companies. Turkey is one of the top foreign investors in Algeria, with investments worth $3.5 billion.

“Algeria is one of Turkey’s most important gateways to the Maghreb and Africa,” Erdogan said during his visit to Algeria. The country was an Ottoman vassal state from 1519 to 1830, when the French invaded and colonized the country. The Turkish president also visited Gambia, a former French colony which is home to one of France’s four military bases in Africa. He also visited Senegal, one of the rising economies in West Africa with an annual growth of more than 6% since 2016. Turkey has also gained a strong political and economic clout in Tunisia, a next-door neighbor to Libya and a former French colony, where the Islamist Ennahda party, which is backed by Turkey, maintains a majority in parliament.

The French Response

These Turkish efforts to have a foothold in the former French colonies leave Paris with the possibility of pushing back against Ankara in sub-Saharan Africa.

According to Turkish analyst Michael Tanchum, a senior fellow at the Austrian Institute for European and Security Studies (AIES), France maintains a double ring of hard power around Algeria and Libya – an inner ring of operational facilities in Mauritania, Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger and Chad, supported by an outer ring of permanent bases in Senegal, Ivory Coast and Gabon.

In July, unidentified warplanes carried out an airstrike on Turkish air defense systems at al-Watiya airbase in Libya. Although no side has claimed responsibility for the attack, speculations were rife that the planes took off from one of the French military bases in Africa.

Both Paris and Ankara are also engaged in a bitter standoff in the eastern Mediterranean over oil exploration rights in the area, raising fears that this rivalry could escalate into a military confrontation between the two NATO allies.

L'articolo Turkey and France Fighting for Influence in Africa proviene da InsideOver.

France’s efforts combating extremist factions in the Sahel paid off Friday when Paris announced it had killed Abdelmalek Droukdel, al Qaeda’s leader in North Africa. The accomplishment was the result of seven years of searching for the terrorist figurehead, as Reuters reported.

Elusive Leader Found

Droukdel was responsible for leading a militant Islamist takeover of northern Mali in 2012, which prompted French forces to respond. Although his forces were repelled, they were also scattered throughout the Sahel rather than entirely defeated. Many of them also left al Qaeda to join the Islamic State which was surging in power at that time.

Droukdel himself began to focus more on Libya and Tunisia and was speculated to have been hiding in an Algerian mountain range. Last year, 13 French soldiers were killed in a helicopter crash during a counterterrorism operation. Since then, pressure has been mounting on Paris to do something, anything, to give a hint of a victory in the Sahel, where it has casually waged war for six years, all while committing barely more than 5,000 troops.

Sahel Operations Get a Boost

The killing of Droukdel represents France’s justification for continuing its efforts in the Sahel. It is also the result of a rethinking of Paris’ regional strategy. France, alongside regional governments, unified their forces under a single command source in January to better direct counterterrorism operations. 

“On June 3, French army forces, with the support of their local partners, killed the emir of al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, Abdelmalek Droukdel, and several of his closest collaborators, during an operation in northern Mali,” French Armed Forces Minister Florence Parly tweeted.

The news is more than the announcement of a strategic victory, but also one of morale. Operations in and around Mali have failed to deliver the kind of results that regional governments wanted. In fact, as Islamic State fighters were driven from Syria, many of them found refuge in Africa. A simple situational analysis would lead some observers to rightfully conclude France and its regional partners have been losing the war in the Sahel. 

Allied forces in Africa have longed for something they can point to as a victory and taking out Droukdel was a considerable one.

Coordinated Effort Pays Off

The operation was the result of several forces coordinating together. The US military provided intelligence that helped guide the mission according to a report from the Washington Post.

“This was a great example of cooperation and partnership to get after a common threat,” said Col. Christopher Karns, spokesman for US Africa Command.

Droukdel was killed at a meeting with other al Qaeda leaders in a river valley of northern Mali, Channel News Asia reported. The location is only 20 kilometres from the Algerian border, giving credence to France’s suspicions that Droukdel was holed up Algeria. 

French troops swarmed the meeting with helicopters and ground troops, destroying a vehicle before fighting turned on the terrorists. Droukdel fell alongside several of his subordinates and one extremist was captured alive, French Col. Frederic Barbry said.

What Will be the Actual Impact of Droukdel’s Death?

Droukdel’s killing, while a victory for morale, will be unlikely to disrupt the broader schemes of terrorism in the region. 

“It’s all very well to neutralize certain leaders,” said Denis Tull, West Africa expert with Paris’ Institute for Strategic Research, “but we’ve seen in other fields that beheading leaders is never enough.”

Conflict in the region extends beyond one group, such as al Qaeda. Several terrorist factions in the region, including the Group to Support Islam and Muslims and the Islamic State, will continue to sow violence, particularly in Mali and Burkina Faso. Many of these groups are linked to larger international organisations, but they are more than capable of surviving on their own.

Added Elements that Exacerbate Mali’s Plight

In Mali, there is an added element of public discontent against the government. Even on Friday as Droukdel was eliminated, 20.000 protestors gathered in the capital to protest against President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta.

Complicating matters further, the US Department of Defense is weighing the option of reducing its Africa footprint. This would include a reduction, if not complete withdrawal, from the Sahel.

France’s killing of Droukdel should not be misconstrued as a sign of victory, but as a call for more aid, more troops, and more support from the international community that has largely turned a blind eye toward the struggle in the Sahel. Eliminating Droukdel was proof that allied states can accomplish goals in the region. However, there is a strong need for a massive troop buildup.

Terrorists continue to prove that the Sahel is theirs to lose. Droukdel’s killing doesn’t change that; he was a large pawn in an even larger game. Without the proper level of troops, French forces will continue to be handicapped as the number of extremists grows. Now is the time for Paris to rededicate itself to its mission in Mali and prove that it has the will to see the mission through to victory. Now is not a time for celebration: not yet.

L'articolo French Killing of al Qaeda Leader in Mali is Not a Reason to Celebrate  proviene da InsideOver.

Egypt has proposed the formation of a joint military force to counter the growing threat of terrorism in Africa and protect the states of the continent. Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi said the force would be essential for the preservation of peace and security across the continent.

Sisi: Egypt Is Ready To Host A Summit On Creating A Pan-African Force

Speaking February 9 during the 33rd African summit in the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa, Sisi added that his country would be ready to host an African summit on the proposed military force.

“This proposal derives from Egypt’s responsibility towards the continent,” said Sisi—whose country held the rotating presidency of the African Union in 2019. “It derives from Egypt’s belief in the importance of forming this force for peace and security in Africa,” he added.

During his tenure as president of the African Union, Sisi worked hard to settle conflicts on the continent. Egypt hosted several meetings on Libya, mediated talks between military rivals in South Sudan and offered backing to African Union efforts to settle the political crisis in Sudan, following the ousting of longtime ruler Omar al-Bashir in April of last year.

Egypt Clearly Alarmed Over Terrorist Surge In Africa’s Sahel Region

The proposed military force is by far the clearest expression of the worries Egypt harbors as the terrorist threat grows more dangerous in Africa day after day. Some of the countries of the continent are turning into hotspots for terrorist activity. From Nigeria, to Somalia and from Libya to Mali, terrorist groups are gaining more ground every day, opening the door for the potential collapse of nation states and creating unprecedented population displacements.

Egypt’s fear is that some of the terrorist groups active in West Africa as well as the Sahel and Sahara region could merge into others active in North Africa, which could prove enormously destructive to the region and to Europe.

This is probably why Egypt hosted a meeting of the chiefs of staff of the armies of the Sahel and Sahara states between February 9 and 11. During the meeting, Cairo proposed to train militaries of the countries of the region with the aim of making them capable of standing against the security threats facing them.

Force Would Be Overseen By The African Union

Addressing the 33rd African summit, Sisi noted that the Peace and Security Council of the African Union, the decision-making body of the pan-African organization, would oversee the proposed military force. He invited African leaders to speed up consultations on the force and attend the proposed summit in Cairo with the aim of turning it into a reality. The view in Cairo is that the proposed force will be instrumental in eradicating terrorism in Africa and helping the states of the continent be up to the security challenges they are facing.

“Such a force will be able to put an end to terrorism in the continent,” Egyptian lawmaker Saeed Hasasien said. “It can be the nucleus of an international military force against terrorism.”

As president of the African Union, Sisi proposed a continental initiative for ending military disputes and conflicts in Africa. Called “Silencing the Guns”, the initiative aspires to end all these conflicts by the end of 2020.

Questions About The Force Still Remain

However, it is not clear how the proposed military force for Africa will operate, where it will be based, where its funding will come from and which country will be responsible for its command. In June 2018, Egypt opened a command center for counterterrorism operations in the Sahel and Sahara region. Constructed in Egypt’s sprawling new capital outside Cairo, the command center is anticipated to become a focal point for drafting counterterrorism strategies in Africa as a whole.

When he came to Egypt’s helm in mid-2014, Sisi proposed a similar military force for Arab countries. This was a time when the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria had just declared its self-styled caliphate in Iraq and Syria and drew up plans for occupying most of the Arab world. However, the force had not materialized as an idea, apparently because of rifts among Arab states.

Nevertheless, the proposed force for Africa will be more practical, given the urgency of the presence of such a force for protecting the states of the continent from the threats facing them, analysts said.

“This is about time African leaders realized the importance of military unity among their countries,” said Abdel Hamid al-Hawari, a senior official of Nation’s Future Party, the majority party in the Egyptian parliament.

L'articolo What Is Behind Egypt’s Proposed Pan-African Military Force? proviene da InsideOver.

Jihadists linked to ISIS killed 600 people last year in Cabo Delgado, the northernmost province of Mozambique. In total, the ISIS-affiliated group claimed responsibility for twenty-six violent attacks in Mozambique last year.

The Atrocities Of The New Terror Group

The terrorist organization has beheaded, disfigured and dismembered citizens in the province, including children. Bordering Tanzania, the coastal province is made up of small villages, most of whom are populated by subsistence farmers and fishermen. Many of the villages have been burned and most have now been deserted.

Apart from its political affiliation, not much is known about the group which started in October 2017,  including its name, origins, mandate and funding. Videos posted on social media have supposedly shown the terrorist group waving the ISIS flag.

‘No Evidence … Of An Overarching Leadership’

According to Jasmine Opperman, an African expert on Islamic Theology on Counterterrorism, there are between seven and ten cells operating in Cabo Delgado. Ms Opperman claims that there is “no evidence at this point in time of an overarching ideology or an overarching leadership.”

“There are indicators of Islamic extremism involved in some of these cell structures,” she added. “We are sitting with a serious, serious, problem. The Islamic State does not need a well-run organization [operation]. They need a proxy and some of these cells are the ideal proxy.”

Further exacerbating the situation are the weak borders between SADC countries. Although the situation is not yet a “direct threat”, political and security risk analyst, Johann Smith said: “This is not a Mozambican problem, it’s a regional one.”

“After the first attack, the SADC Security Organ should have met to decide how they were going to deal with the problem. Up to now, the issue has not featured on the agenda during subsequent meetings.”

Mozambique: Our Troops Are Being Deceived

Last week, President Filipe Nyusi of Mozambique alleged that the terrorist group was disseminating “currents of disinformation” against Mozambican security forces. Speaking to the troops at a military base in Mueda, a Cabo Delgado town, Nyusi said the disinformation “shows a lack of respect for those who are sacrificing their lives in defence of the communities.”

“We are accompanying the attacks of the criminals and your [citizens’] response, because we have noted that the enemy strategy is to put us in conflict with our people.”

President Nyusi claimed that the insurgents had deceived Mozambican army and police that their terrorist attacks had been carried out by elements within the army and the police.

He said that people were “spreading messages against sovereignty, without being aware of the great sacrifices that are being made.”

Nyusi said he wants Mozambican forces to find out more about the terrorists, including their origins and their location.

‘Go Forward To Face A Common Enemy’

“This is because, in a house where we don’t know who the thief is, people begin to distrust each other,” he explained. “We want to build trust and go forward to face a common enemy.”

Despite this, the common enemy has not doused the tense relationship between the Mozambique Defence Armed Force (FADM) and Russian-backed Wagner Group fighters.

Arriving to fight the Islamic militants, the Wagner troops were ill-prepared for the conditions in Mozambique, according to Smith. He clarified that their military equipment was ineffective, and that the troops were ill-equipped to deal with the heat.

Smith: Russia Making Mozambique’s Situation Worse

The Russian troops have now withdrawn to Nacala, a city also in Northern Mozambique, to plan and retrain. Wagner’s presence, Smith added, has served to increase insurgent attacks.

“The sophistication and the brazenness of the attacks are evolving.” Smith said. “They have access to intelligence, access to knowledge on where the deployments are when they are at their most vulnerable, they have access to FADM uniforms, they have seized weapons that Wagner has given to the FADM⁠—sophisticated weapons⁠—which means their sophistication I escalating day by day.

“The brutality against the civilians is an answer I am still looking for. I am not sure what their motive behind that is, [but] it is gruesome.”

The FADM and Wagner’s failure to curb the insurgency has emboldened the terrorist groups, and they have begun to move more inland.

The Wider African Fight Against ISIS

Mozambique is not the only African nation battling the presence of ISIS-affiliated jihadists. In West Africa⁠—particularly Nigeria⁠—Boko Haram insurgents pledged allegiance to ISIS in a video released in 2015. In Somalia, Al Shabaab members fight on behalf of al Qaeda, with some members pledging allegiance to ISIS.

As it loses ground in the Middle East, ISIS is increasingly moving towards Africa, spreading to Tunisia, Niger, Burkina Faso, Cameron and now, the SADC region.

The African Union’s reaction to the threat of ISIS, including conflict, war and violence has seen no success in the continent.

“During the 50th Anniversary of the Organization of African Unity/African Union (OAU/AU) in May 2013, the AU Assembly of Heads of State and Government adopted a landmark declaration,” a press release from the AU read in 2017.

“They vowed that Africa would not bequeath the burden of conflicts to the next generation and made a commitment to end violent conflict on the continent by 2020. This was translated into the AU initiative: Silencing the Guns by 2020.”

It is now 2020, and rather than stemming the progress of ISIS in the continent, the terrorist group is spreading rapidly throughout all of Africa. This is a massive threat to the security, stability, longevity and happiness of Africa’s 1.3 billion population.

L'articolo From Mozambique to Nigeria: The Alarming Expansion Of ISIS In Africa proviene da InsideOver.