After more than twelve months, Israel’s Knesset has sworn in its new government with 73 of 120 votes in favor. It will first be led by Benjamin Netanyahu for 18 months before Benny Gantz will replace him.

Introducing the Massive New Cabinet

Before the vote, Netanyahu presented his new cabinet, which, with 36 ministers, constitutes the largest in the country’s history. The reason for the bloated government is the problematic government negotiations between Netanyahu’s Likud and Gantz’ Blue and White, during which all sides sought to secure as many offices as possible. So much so that the personal details for the cabinet had recently delayed the government’s inauguration.

“The people seek a unified government, and that’s what the people get today,” Netanyahu said at the beginning of the parliamentary session. In addition to Likud, Blue and White, and partners from the religious and fundamentalist camp, the HaAvoda Labor Party will also be part of the new government. These compromises, Netanyahu continued, were inevitable since another election would have been devastating for the country. Gantz, meanwhile, stated during his speech in the Knesset that the days when governments represented only half of the population were over and that the country had opted for unity, which was precisely the new path that was now being taken.

The New Government’s Top Priorities

One of the main priorities of the new government will be the implementation of President Trump’s proposed Middle East peace plan – which provides for an independent Palestinian state – but also for Israel to annex Jewish settlements in the West Bank.  It was time to apply Israeli law and open another glorious chapter in the history of Zionism, Netanyahu said regarding the government’s vision. However, how the peace process will proceed is more open than ever after Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas ceased all relations with Israel and the United States on Wednesday.

In three parliamentary elections since April, 2019, there had been no clear result for a political camp, also because Gantz previously rejected a coalition with Netanyahu unequivocally. Two weeks ago, however, against the background of the COVID-19 crisis and the effects on Israel, Netanyahu and Gantz finally agreed on a unity government.

The Schedule of Leadership

Netanyahu will initially remain prime minister, while Gantz will initially become minister of defence. Gabi Ashkenazi (Blue and White) becomes foreign minister, and the previous foreign minister Israel Katz (Likud) becomes finance minister in the new cabinet. Gantz’s previous office, President of the Knesset, will be conducted out by Yariv Levin (Likud).

Since Netanyahu’s power bloc consists of several smaller parties, he was only able to award a limited number of cabinet ministries to senior Likud representatives. To work around this problem and to reassure angry party members, Netanyahu introduced several new ministries. Including one for community development, one for settlement matters and one for higher education and water resources.

Naturally, these new ministries sparked criticism from the opposition. The prospective opposition leader Yair Lapid said that the artificial creation of offices had caused a loss of “trust in the Israeli public”. Besides, COVID-19 was an excuse for Netanyahu and his “corrupt party.” Israel’s emergency government was nothing more than “the largest and most wasteful in the country’s history,” Lapid concluded. Jesch has reason to be frustrated. His party was Yesh Atid had been an ally of Blue and White until Gantz recanted his promise and agreed with Netanyahu.

Netanyahu himself has been at the head of the government of Israel for longer than any other politician. He was head of government for the first time in 1996 and has been in office for three consecutive terms since 2009. However, at the end of May, Netanyahu will have to answer to the court for allegations of – inter alia – corruption and fraud. In the event of a guilty verdict, the government would thus end early. However, the latter is currently not to be expected, since Netanyahu’s lawyers are likely to ensure that the process is protracted for the time being.

L'articolo Israel Has Sworn in its New Government proviene da InsideOver.

After months of uncertainty, Israel’s Benjamin Netanyahu and Benny Gantz announced early Monday evening that both sides had come together for the good of the country and signed a coalition agreement.

Details of the Deal

Netanyahu’s Likud Party and Gantz’s Blue and White party are going to form an emergency government, primarily — according to the official dictum — to deal with the impact of the coronavirus pandemic. The agreement carries a peculiarity, however. Netanyahu will initially remain prime minister, while Gantz, who will initially become minister of defense, takes over the office of Netanyahu after 18 months. The agreement was the only way to end a standoff between Netanyahu’s right-religious block and the center-left camp around Gantz, which has kept the country from forming a viable government for more than a year.

“We prevented a fourth election, we will preserve democracy,” while promising that the new government would fight COVID-19 and take care of Israel’s citizens, Gantz tweeted Monday evening. Meanwhile, Netanyahu tweeted that he had promised a national emergency government that would support the lives and livelihoods of its citizens. He would now “continue to do everything for you citizens of Israel.”

What Led to the Deal?

Prior to the agreement, Gantz’s mandate to form a government had expired on Wednesday evening. Israel’s President Rivlin then transferred the mandate to the Knesset. Within three weeks, each MP — including Gantz and Netanyahu — was eligible to secure the support of 61 of the 120 MPs. It was an impossibility and was likely to force Israel to conduct its next election: the fourth since April 2019.

Despite the fact that both parties realized the urge to form a grand coalition in the face of the COVID-19 crisis, nonetheless, the negotiations continued to stall as compromises could not be found. Blue and White continued to increase the pressure, however, by stating that without an agreement, a law would be introduced in Parliament on Monday that would prevent Netanyahu from being commissioned to form the government in the future based on the charges of corruption against him.

The Main Issues at Stake

A central issue in the coalition negotiations was the demand by Netanyahu’s Likud for a veto right to appoint judges. Netanyahu also sought to implement a mechanism that would allow him to circumvent any supreme court ruling stating that he could not serve as prime minister or vice prime minister due to the corruption charges. The latter allows Netanyahu to protect himself for a simple reason: should the Supreme Court ban Netanyahu on the charges of being head of government, Gantz would not automatically become prime minister, but new elections could be called.

However, it is questionable whether this scenario will occur at all since the coalition agreements guarantee Netanyahu considerable influence on the selection of the country’s judiciary. In any case, Netanyahu was able to set the course for the corruption process that is going to begin at the end of May.

West Bank Annexation

It is also part of the coalition agreement that Netanyahu can already annex parts of the occupied Palestinian West Bank in July. Such a step is envisaged for the region in the Trump Administration’s peace plan. Gantz will have no veto right on the question, as the coalition agreement refers to his powers as “consultation.” Nevertheless, a dialogue with the international community will be launched in order to safeguard the security and strategic interests, including “regional stability, preserve existing peace agreements and work towards future peace agreements.”

Gantz had previously rejected a coalition with the Likud party headed by Netanyahu, primarily on charges of corruption. In mid-March, however, Gantz said in parliament, — referring to the Corona crisis — that he would do everything in his power to form a coalition. Since then, critics have accused him of breaking his central campaign promise, submitting without a fight and sneaking his way into a government, as opposition politician Yair Lapid stated about his former ally Gantz.

The Bottom Line

The bottom line is that after 16 months of permanent political gridlock and three elections without a clear majority, Israel has now formed its new government. However, it is uncertain whether this fragile alliance, formed in the wake of the corona pandemic, can bring political stability in the long term. Nevertheless, a solution was urgently needed amid the crisis, and even if it came with a high price for all parties involved — except for Netanyahu, it would appear.

L'articolo Netanyahu Strikes Deal with Gantz proviene da InsideOver.

Israeli politics remain in flux. After the Israeli election committee released the official result of the general election, it is evident that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has again missed a governable majority. In addition, Netanyahu continues to face legal trouble.

Israel’s Latest Deadlocked Election

Israel’s most recent parliamentary election took place on March 2. On March 10, Israel’s central electoral committee released the official result, and with amplification of Israel’s government and Prime Minister Netanyahu, in particular. His conservative Likud party obtained the most seats in the Knesset with 36 of 120 seats, as the election committee confirmed. However, the right-religious camp around the Likud failed with 58 seats combined with the necessary majority of 61. The Blue and White party of ex-military chief Benny Gantz obtained 33 seats and the center-left camp, thus a total of 55 seats. The third-strongest force in parliament was the United Arab List with 15 mandates. Former defense minister Avigdor Lieberman received seven mandates with his Israel Beitenu party and could thus become the decisive man in the question of government formation.

High Turnout Couldn’t Turn the Tide

The turnout was around 71.5 percent, and thus higher than in the two previous elections. In April 2019, it was a good 68 percent, in September just under 70 percent. Nevertheless, the political stalemate after the third election within a year has not changed. On Wednesday, the official results were handed over to Israeli President Reuven Rivlin, who now has seven days to instruct a candidate to form a government. For this purpose, Rivlin seeks to meet with representatives of the individual political groups this Sunday.

This is where the real issues for Netanyahu begin. If Gantz were to be proposed by Lieberman and the Arab List in conversation with Rivlin, the president could then instruct Gantz to form a government, even though his party only came second and behind Netanyahu in the election. In the past few days, Gantz has already consulted both Lieberman and representatives of the United Arab List about a possible coalition. This scenario is, therefore, a valid option in Israel and would finally create a hoped-for government majority. It remains to be seen; however, how stable a coalition between the three parties can become.

Netanyahu’s Mounting Troubles

The potential end as Prime Minister is not the only problem for Netanyahu these days. A court in Jerusalem rejected his request to postpone the corruption process against him. There were insufficient grounds for postponement, the court ruled. The hearing scheduled for March 17 is, therefore, “reserved for reading the charges,” but Netanyahu’s response or defense is not necessary at this stage of the trial.

In a letter to the court, the Prime Minister’s lawyers asked for the trial to be postponed by 45 days. They argued that they had “not yet received all the documents related to the investigation.” Netanyahu is charged with bribery, fraud, and breach of trust. He denies all allegations by the public prosecutor and sees himself as a victim of a “witch hunt” by the public prosecutor and the media – a term any political observer ought to be rather cognizant of.

According to Israeli law, a prime minister may remain in office; he only has to resign after a final judgment. Opposition MPs in the Knesset are considering a bill that would prevent accused politicians from forming a government.

Three elections within a year are testimony of Israel’s political issues and the division in the country. Netanyahu has once again failed to convince a majority and is thus apparently lacking the support he used to command. The upcoming weekend will likely decide Netanyahu’s future. Signs are pointing towards a coalition with Gantz at the head of the table and, in this case, taking the helm as the inevitable new prime minister of Israel.

L'articolo Netanyahu’s Weekend of Truth proviene da InsideOver.

The Covid-19 coronavirus has pushed people apart as they fear transmission of the disease. Entire sports leagues have suspended their games, universities have canceled face-to-face courses, and concert venues have closed their doors. Yet, as most of the world is driven apart by Corvid-19, it has brought together two political sides in Israel.

Israel’s Call For Unity

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called upon his rival, Blue and White leader Benny Gantz, to create an emergency unity government. An emergency government would help the Knesset coordinate its efforts to combat the spread of Corvid-19, Netanyahu said.

“It would be an emergency government for a limited time, and we will fight together to save the lives of tens of thousands of citizens,” he said in a press briefing. Netanyahu emphasized the large-scale possibilities of a mass outbreak that could lead to a high number of casualties. Simultaneous to his call for a creation of an emergency government, Netanyahu also announced the closing of most Israeli schools. 

“We are altering our internal routine in order to handle an outside threat, the threat of the virus,” he said. 

Israel’s Unique Situation

While taking precautions that echo those of other states grappling with the coronavirus outbreak, Netanyahu’s position and call for an emergency government is unique for several reasons.

First, Israel has been without clear leadership for a year. In that timespan, Netanyahu has won three elections, but his Likud Party has failed to secure a majority of the parliamentary seats. Consequently, the Knesset has been stuck in a standstill. Furthermore, Netanyahu is facing corruption charges with a court battle set to begin this week. On Tuesday, a court denied his petition to postpone it. The judge wrote that be cause the March 17 court date is a reading only, Netanyahu’s response is unneeded.

Netanyahu’s appearance in court will soon be necessary, however. It will be the first time in Israeli history for a sitting prime minister to stand trial. The very idea of it raised the possibility of Netanyahu ramming through legislation to secure immunity for himself and future premiers. Doing so would require a cooperative Knesset, which he has not had for a year. 

In truth, the idea of a sweeping Likud victory to save Netanyahu’s political career likely drove more voters to turn out for Gantz. Now, the question arises of whether Netanyahu is playing up coronavirus concerns to cast a need for an emergency government in a bid to extend his political life. If he can negotiate a deal with rival factions that keeps him in power, Netanyahu can buy himself time. Would he pass emergency legislation to battle Covid-19? Certainly, but who would put it past Netanyahu to also continue plans to annex the West Bank? Maybe the emergency unity government will work so well that they decide to leave it together after the crisis subsides. 

Does the Unity Government Mean Everyone is Included?

Responding to Netanyahu’s offer of negotiating an emergency unity government, Gantz gave one condition: it must “include representation from all parts of the house,” referencing the Joint List, the predominantly-Arab, third-largest party. 

Netanyahu issued a blanket refusal, telling his opponent that “terror supporters” cannot join the unity government. Until now, the Joint List has also refused to join any Netanyahu-led coalition, so it’s questionable whether it would change its opinion due to the health emergency. Gantz is hardly in a position to negotiate that term in to the agreement, as Anshel Pfeffer opined recently for Haaretz. Does he truly care about including the Joint List or is it a political move designed to make Netanyahu look like the bad guy once again when he refuses to acquiesce?

More than likely it was a simple maneuver of political posturing. On one side you have a premier standing trial for corruption, taking Palestinian land, and refusing to include an Arab party in the emergency government. On the other, you have Gantz, a leader preaching unity and inclusiveness for all Israelis.

Will the Unity Government Happen?

When the emergency unity government folds, if it is even formed, there will most likely be another election. Gantz isn’t going anywhere and his chances will improve as Netanyahu’s trial plays out.

In the meantime, talks of an emergency government, unprecedented in Israeli politics, have yet to begin in earnest. After Netanyahu’s televised remarks, he made a phone call to Gantz to personally introduce the idea. Gantz was agreeable to their negotiating teams meeting, but nothing has come from it yet.

“So far I have not received a serious reply from him,” Gantz said, adding “I am still waiting — because an emergency government is the right thing for the State of Israel at this time.”

L'articolo Netanyahu Calls for Emergency Unity Government in Face of Coronavirus proviene da InsideOver.

On the first day of the new year, Israel Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, formally wrote to the Speaker of the Knesset, to request for immunity from prosecution following his indictment with bribery, fraud and breach of trust.

In his letter, Netanyahu claimed the indictments against him were discriminatory and, dishonest and that legal proceedings against him would cause substantive damage to the functioning of the Knesset and representation of the voting public.

“To continue to lead to great achievements, I intend to approach the speaker of the Knesset in accordance with Chapter 4C of the law, in order to fulfil my right, my duty and my mission to continue to serve you for the future of Israel,” he said in a televised address.

Among those who criticised Netanyahu’s move was his main political rival Benny Gantz who said, “I never imagined that we would see the day that the Prime Minister of Israel would avoid standing before the law and the justice system.”

However, Netanyahu defended his request for immunity saying, “The law is meant to ensure that elected officials can serve the people according to the will of the people.”

So what’s next after Netanyahu’s request?

According to the current system, Netanyahu just like any other member of the Knesset does not enjoy automatic immunity. Instead, should the Prime Minister or any other member of the Knesset be indicted, a request for immunity has to be made through the Knesset House Committee, and the decision presented to the Knesset for a vote.

This is according to the immunity law which states that: “The Knesset will not make such a decision (concerning immunity) unless according to the proposal of the House Committee following a request brought before the committee.”

At the moment, Netanyahu’s request will remain in suspense since there’s no House Committee to consider his request following the dissolution of parliament in September last year.

Some lawmakers had earlier on suggested that the temporary Arrangement Knesset Committee formed after every election should consider Netanyahu’s request. But Knesset’s legal advisor Eyal Yinnon argued that an “Arrangement Committee cannot take on any of the legal powers given to the House Committee, because it is a temporary body with limited mandate.”

The absence of the House Committee also means that Netanyahu’s indictment charges cannot be lodged in the court at Jerusalem.

If a new coalition and a new government are formed after the elections slated for March this year, a House Committee formed as part of the broader coalition negotiations would then consider the request. If the House Committee rejects the request, then its decision would be final.

But if it agrees to grant him immunity, the matter would be presented to the Knesset for a vote. But still, even if Netanyahu is granted immunity, the Attorney General can file indictment again. At the same time Netanyahu could also ask for immunity again. It is a virtual circle.

Many analysts, however, believe that it is highly unlikely that Netanyahu will be granted immunity. This comes hot on the heels of an opinion poll which showed that 51 per cent of Israeli’s respondents opposed immunity while 33 per cent supported it.

Ever since charges against Netanyahu were floated, there have been concerted efforts by him and his allies to protect him from prosecution. In this regard, they had proposed controversial laws which they had hoped to pass in the Knesset.

One of the bills was to restore the immunity law to its previous state before 2005. The former law on immunity gave the Prime Minister and other members of the Knesset automatic immunity from prosecution. Also, in the instance that the attorney general wanted to lift immunity, then he had to make a request to the Knesset House Committee, which would then vote to decide the matter. The committee’s decision would then be ratified by a Knesset vote.

Netanyahu although supporting the bill, was forced to retreat following backlash from leaders across the political divide. Instead, he switched his support towards supporting another controversial bill that was to make it hard for the High Court to overturn legislation passed by the Knesset.

The contentious bill that was to be tabled after the formation of a new right-wing coalition was to give the Knesset the ability to override Supreme Court rulings in case the court realised that the Knesset legislation went against the basic laws of the state. It was said that Netanyahu’s manoeuvring that resulted in a second election was aimed at having the bill passed into law.

But with the second elections also ending without a clear majority, it meant Netanyahu couldn’t garner 61 members required to pass such legislation. It is now too late because legal proceedings have now began, and his only hope is that he wins the next election then get immunity from the House Committee and the Knesset.

L'articolo Netanyahu’s Request for Immunity Explained proviene da InsideOver.

The situation facing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is looking increasingly desperate. He is being challenged from within his own Likud Party by a Member of the Knesset (MK) called Gideon Sa’ar. He has warned the Prime Minister that he has no chance of forming a government and that Netanyahu would lose a third election, which is more than likely to happen in March 2020 now. This has left him with no choice but to concede to a leadership election if a third poll happens.

David Shimron, the Prime Minister’s cousin, has already been indicted for corruption in relation to a contentious £1.5 billion deal to buy German submarines. Meanwhile, Netanyahu himself is being investigated for bribery, fraud and breach of trust by Avichai Mandelblit, Israel’s Attorney General.

Both the Prime Minister and Benny Gantz, the leader of the Blue and White Party, failed to form a coalition government before Wednesday’s deadline. The Blue and White leader called on Netanyahu to ‘serve as an example’ by resigning his post and allowing his immunity to public prosecution be removed. However, one institutional body may find itself having to resolve this crisis: Israel’s High Court.

Many hi-tech businessmen started a new petition running in parallel to the one already filed by the Movement for the Quality of Government in Israel to the High Court and an anticipated future petition by the Labor Party.

Although Mandelblit is protecting the Prime Minister by analysing whether he can form a new government whilst being indicted for bribery, he has ruled that the issue can be ‘kicked down the road’ because it is only theoretical.

But many of these businessmen argue that the situation is concrete, and not theoretical because electors should know whether Netanyahu has the legal means to form a government before they vote. Some of these officials include Dr Orna Bari, Shai Weininger and Pinhas Buchris. They are being represented by Daphna Holech-Lechner, who has been involved in other substantial High Court cases.

Fortunately for these hi-tech giants, the High Court’s powers have not been curbed yet and it is an effective means to maintain the balance of power in Israel. It is only fair that the judiciary should be allowed to intervene in this case. Earlier this year, Netanyahu wanted to introduce a bill to prevent the court from interfering in his decision to stop Palestinians from participating in a joint Memorial Day ceremony.

Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, the High Court defended Israeli citizens from successive governments clamping down on their right to freedom of speech and freedom to demonstrate. They also reduced military censorship and limited the use of certain military methods. Therefore, Israel’s judiciary guards citizens against excessive political power.

The judiciary is the only independent branch of government that can ensure Netanyahu is proved guilty or innocent in his impeachment inquiry. The Prime Minister’s bill would also mean that he would have had permanent immunity from corruption charges, even though there is a strong chance that he is guilty. This would have destroyed the High Court.

It is also one of the few institutions left in Israel that is trusted among its population. According to a 2017 poll conducted by the Israel Democracy Institute, the majority of Jewish (57 per cent) and Arab (54 per cent) Israelis believe in the High Court. If it was prevented from intervening in the Netanyahu case and he was found guilty of all his charges, this would damage Israelis’ trust in their political system.

The High Court should intervene in the Prime Minister’s impeachment inquiry. As Netanyahu’s bill to reduce the judiciary’s role in the Israeli constitution did not pass, nothing is preventing them from doing so. For the sake of transparency and fairness in Israeli democracy, the hi-tech officials’ petition should be approved.

L'articolo Should Israel’s High Court Intervene Over the Netanyahu Case? proviene da InsideOver.

“There won’t be anything, because there wasn’t anything,” he said time and again. But in a bombshell intervention last week, Benjamin Netanyahu’s hand-picked attorney general begged to differ. Indicted on charges of bribery, fraud, and breach of trust, Israel’s longest-serving premier is fighting for his political life. And fight he will – despite mounting calls for his resignation to clear the nation’s chronic electoral impasse, ‘Bibi’ has sworn to battle on. 

Thursday’s shock announcement has inflamed the political crisis gripping Israel. For months the country has been without a government, with two successive elections failing to break the deadlock. Benny Gantz, Netanyahu’s main rival, had hoped his centrist Blue and White party might form the elusive majority – but he too conceded defeat last week. Israel’s Knesset parliament now has three weeks to find a way forward, lest voters return to the polls for a third time. 

Netanyahu’s indictment – the first against a sitting Israeli prime minister – has only fanned the political flames. But he’s in no mood to back down. Denying all allegations in a blistering response video, Bibi attacked the judiciary’s apparent political motivations, accusing judges of an “attempted coup”. The charges range from more minor infractions – receiving luxury gifts from wealthy individuals – to the utmost serious: bribery in return for favourable media coverage.

Yet, despite the gravity of the indictment, Netanyahu faces no legal obligation to step down, and could, in theory, still strive to form a government over the next 21 days. He’s failed in that endeavour twice already, and now facing criminal prosecution, the 70-year-old’s coalition-building credibility is frailer than ever. Public opinion seems to be turning against the prime minister too, with 56% of Israelis believing he must now resign.

But among the Likud party faithful, Netanyahu’s unassailable stature appears intact. His strengths in security and economic policy outweigh any allegations of malfeasance, most on Israel’s Right will reason. One government minister, Amir Ohana, expressed his pride in all Likud parliamentarians for standing by their man – “except for two,” he added pointedly. 

Gideon Sa’ar is doubtless one of these. A rising star in the party, the 52-year-old has made no secret of his lofty ambitions, calling on Netanyahu to face him in a leadership contest (a challenge the prime minister has, in principle, acceded to). Untarnished by decades in office, Sa’ar believes he can offer Likud lawmakers what Bibi demonstrably cannot: a reasonable chance at bridging the political divide and forming a government. 

Even if Sa’ar were to lose a primary race, his card would be marked for the future, experts believe. “He is calculating that a strong showing would allow him to position himself as the natural successor to lead the party,” says Natan Sachs of The Brookings Institution, a research group. 

But with Netanyahu’s grip on power unyielding, succession may be years away. Fighting yet another election seems an extraordinary enterprise – even without the baggage of a serious indictment. But the other option, bowing out, is not in Bibi’s playbook. He wants to prove that the system is flawed, that Israel’s judicial institutions have overstepped the mark. Doing so will involve an ugly, internecine battle; but so be it. 

And he has another more practical reason to fight on: the prospect of immunity. As prime minister, he is significantly more likely to receive legal protection from the Knesset during his prosecution. Given the 10 year sentence he faces if found guilty, that is a lifeline Netanyahu cannot afford to lose.

But the charges against him will be easy game for Gantz and others should a third election be called. And even if Netanyahu triumphed in another public poll, it remains unclear whether he could take office while on trial. Who takes up the mantle of assembling a government is in the gift of President Reuven Rivlin, who could well baulk at selecting a suspected criminal. Bibi would, of course, challenge such a ruling, ultimately pushing the final decision to the courts – setting the stage for an even greater constitutional showdown.

So, all told, Israel’s political future is far from clear. Netanyahu will fight on, that’s for certain, but the forces of opposition are amassing.

L'articolo Netanyahu Indicted For Bribery And Fraud – But He Pledges To Fight On proviene da InsideOver.

Ever since he joined politics, Israel Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been dogged by scandals and controversies that never seem to go away. Known to his supporters as “Bibi”, in July this year he became Israel’s longest-serving Prime Minister surpassing, David Ben-Gurion the founding father of the Jewish state.

But just like the proverbial cat with nine lives, Netanyahu has always surmounted the challenges on his political path even when some of his closest supporters thought he wouldn’t survive. His early challenge came in 1993 when he joined the race to lead the right-wing Likud Party against his main rival David Levy. One anonymous caller claimed that he had a secret tape of him and his image consultant Ruth Barr in a sexually compromising position.

Such allegations touching on the morality of a member of the Knesset, especially one who was campaigning to lead the main opposition party, were set to derail Netanyahu’s political ambitions. At first he dismissed them as part of a smear campaign by his main rival. Without mentioning names, he told Mabat TV that “one man, surrounded by a not-small group of criminals,” was blackmailing him to drop out of the race with a sex tape of him and someone who is not his wife.

Although Netanyahu later accepted the he had an affair with Barr, and apologized to his wife, he made a thinly veiled attack against his rival Levy saying “Whoever uses methods of spying, recording and breaking in, is not worthy to be a leader and should be in prison.” Despite the scandal, he won and became the leader of the Likud.

As the opposition leader, Netanyahu’s strong nationalist views won him support from the disenchanted Jews who embraced right-wing extremism. He strongly based his opposition politics on disparaging the Palestinian-Israel peace accord which had been signed by the then Prime Yitzhak Rabin and Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat in Oslo Norway. One of his most extreme speeches in this regard was the one he made from a Jerusalem balcony with a banner reading, “Death to Arafat” as the crowd below chanted slogans against Prime Minister Rabin.

This growing right-wing extremism resulted in the assassinations of Prime Minister Rabin in 1995 by Yigal Amir. Rabin had just finished addressing at a pro Oslo accord rally in Tel-Aviv when Amir fired three shots fatally wounding him.

Following the death of Rabin, Shimon Peres took over as Prime Minister but decided to call for an early election to give his government a new mandate to implement the peace process. But despite, the assassination of Rabin being blamed on incitement by right-wing politicians such as Netanyahu, and opinion polls showing that Peres was in the lead, there was a last-minute shift in voters’ opinion after a series of terrorist attacks by Hamas.

These attacks provided fodder for Netanyahu to justify his strong opposition of the Oslo accord and to despise Peres as a weak leader who couldn’t protect Israel from attacks. When elections did eventually take place, Netanyahu won by a slight margin in a surprise victory that made him Israel’s youngest Prime Minister at the age of 46. Because of his strong nationalistic views, he drew most of his votes from the ultra-orthodox community while Peres was supported by Israeli Arabs.

Just months after his election, criminal charges were launched against Netanyahu for appointing Mr Robin Bar-On, who was a lawyer with close links with Likud Party, as Attorney General. This he did, intending to facilitate a plea bargain for his political ally called Aryeh Deri who was facing corruption charges. Although Netanyahu later admitted that he erred in making the appointment he absolved himself from any crime arguing, “This error was inflated totally out of proportion by our political reasons”.On April 21, 1997, the charges against Netanyahu were dropped by Israel state prosecutors who said that they didn’t have enough evidence to prosecute him, even though they believed that there was a “tangible suspicion about the propriety of his role in the affair.”

But this was only a temporary reprieve, as scandals and controversies continued to follow Netanyahu throughout his multiple terms as prime minister. In February this year, Israel’s Attorney General announced that he would face charges of bribery and breach of trust concerning three cases, pending a final hearing. It is alleged that he received gifts from wealthy businessmen and granted favours to be given positive coverage in the press. This comes as dramatic recordings which are part of the investigations revealed how Netanyahu threatened an Israeli newspaper with retaliation with all the tools at his disposal if he was not given favourable coverage. But in his usual stoic manner, he has rubbished the allegations terming them as baseless.

Adding to his string of predicaments is his failure to form a government after the just concluded elections. The responsibility has now been transferred to his main rival, Benny Gantz. If he also fails then parliament could be asked to provide a third candidate in a final bid to avoid a repeat election. But sources intimate that Gantz is likely to form a minority coalition with the sole intention of ousting Netanyahu and not to govern. However, Netanyahu has vowed to fight such an arrangement by taking the battle to the people.

The truth is that storm clouds have now gathered over Netanyahu’s political horizon and are threatening to send him to political oblivion. He knows very well that losing his grip on power would also make him susceptible to prosecution. One thing that cannot be ignored in all these is the cult-like support Netanyahu enjoys among Israelis

L'articolo Is This the End of Netanyahu? proviene da InsideOver.

Israel’s Benjamin Netanyahu may have been tapped once again by his president to form a government in parliament, but doing so is considerably more challenging this time around. Even though Netanyahu’s party, Likud, won less seats than its primary opposition, Blue and White, the reigning prime minister was given another chance after failing earlier this year. Two weeks after the most recent election, there is still no government in Israel due to disagreements on how a coalition between three major parties would function. 

Since the election, Avigdor Liberman of Yisrael Beytenu and Benny Gantz of Blue and White have been reluctant to accept Netanyahu’s offer of a coalition. Gantz ran on a more liberal platform which contrasted heavily with Netanyahu’s extreme right policies. Under a Gantz government, stores would be allowed to remain open during the Shabbat and strict Orthodox yeshiva students would be drafted into the military. The conflict in the Gaza Strip would also be a focus under his leadership and his solution would likely be quite different than the incumbent’s. 

On Wednesday. Liberman announced his party’s proposal to unite the three parties so that Israel might have a functioning government. Under the plan, Gantz would submit to a Netanyahu-led government and in return, would take his place at the helm if the prime minister is indicted on bribery charges. For his part, Netanyahu would relinquish his bloc of 55 seats, which presently consist of extreme right-wing parties and form a government from 68 seats from Blue and White and Yisrael Beytenu. 

Such an idea would allow leftist Knesset members to force their way into power because as soon as an indictment is handed down from the courts, Netanyahu would be gone leaving neither him nor his right-wing coalition bloc left. Naturally, Likud’s leadership has not been receptive of this idea. According to a party statement, Liberman’s plan is “irrelevant” and that he should give up on any idea of a left-wing bloc with Gantz at the helm. 

Netanyahu had previously informed Right-Center bloc leadership that he would refuse any demand from Gantz that required him to give up his coalition seats. Without this precondition being satisfied, and with Gantz even rejecting prior offers from Netanyahu, there is little chance a government will be formed, especially considering the Jewish holiday of Yom Kippur is now upon us. The prime minister has informed close associates that he would likely give up his mandate to form a government back to Israeli President Reuven Rivlin. If this were to happen, the responsibility would fall to Gantz. 

Gantz and Liberman understand the implications of the Netanyahu vacating his mandate. With the prime minister out of the picture, they will be free to create their united government guided by liberal ideals, or at the very least, less-orthodox policies. For Netanyahu, however, it would represent the last bastion of hope he has to keep himself out of indictment. As prime minister, there is no legal mechanism to force him to give up control while facing charges and he could likely wield his power to limit the effect of the court. 

There are three cases – known as Case 1000, 2000, and 4000 – against the Likud leader. During pre-indictment hearings, Netanyahu’s team managed to reduce the first case from a bribery charge to breach of trust. Doing so changes the severity of the charge and the court which would try the case. If he can manage to pull off the same feat with Case 4000 and get Case 2000 dropped as is his ultimate goal, Netanyahu could avoid any chance of the Israeli Supreme Court interfering. 

The charges centre around the prime minister acceptance of gifts consisting of champagne and cigars, attempts to influence media coverage, and abuse of power by granting regulatory favours to business associates. 

With the chances of Netanyahu avoiding indictment and the possibility of him crafting a governing coalition even slimmer, his days in Israeli politics may be over, at least for the near-term future. Gantz who reiterated his refusal to sit in a Netanyahu-led government would become the prime minister and likely have an easier time at negotiating a governing bloc. Rivlin would grant him the same 28 days that Netanyahu had and in the event that Gantz fails, the process would be opened up to any Knesset member to create a coalition. Should that too be unsuccessful, Israel would be forced to hold another election, which would be its third this year.

Netanyahu blamed Gantz’ nonacquiescence on Yair Lapid, the second-in-command of Blue and White. 

“The only reason there is no unity government is Yair Lapid,” he tweeted. “Lapid is holding Benny Gantz hostage, and for some unknown reason, Gantz is surrendering to him. It is unacceptable that Lapid is dragging an entire country to an election, just because he is unwilling to abandon his dream to be prime minister and give up his rotation with Gantz.”

Barring some spur of the moment deal, Netanyahu appears to be on his way out the door. Free of the rigours of leadership, he will have plenty of time to focus on his looming bribery charges.

L'articolo Netanyahu’s Days Numbered as He Fails to Form Coalition proviene da InsideOver.