Israel is experiencing a very particular time in its history. After 12 years, Benjamin Netanyahu’s leadership is seriously being questioned, opening up the possibility of a government of change. Politics is intersecting with increasingly obvious signs of identity conflicts and challenges to relations between different groups. To get a better understanding we interviewed Gabriele Segre, Director of the Vittorio Dan Segre Foundation, based in Lugano, which aims to examine and promote a culture of coexistence between different identities.

With the upsurge of the Gaza conflict over recent weeks, coexistence both inside and outside Israel seems like an impossible undertaking…

Coexistence seemed impossible before and still is today. What happened was a huge wake-up call. However, those who are watchful of the dynamics of this area, going beyond everyday life, understand there is nothing new. We need to distinguish two levels of conflict: from an identity point of view and from that of coexistence. The first concerns the conflicts with Gaza and the Hamas missiles. It is a well-known topic at an international level and a widely dividing issue between Israelis and Palestinians. The second, on which few have focused their attention, is the most painful and divisive element. I am referring to the violence with and within Arab communities living in Israel, of Palestinians with Israeli citizenship as they define themselves. The level of division and the level of conflict we have seen are nothing new. There is a clear problem of coexistence. Christian and Muslim Arabs do not enjoy the full rights enjoyed by Jewish citizens, and this is a fundamental element to be taken into consideration if we want to understand what is happening.

Could you explain this better please…

Israel was built as an identity state, therefore in terms of rights the Jewish identity is considered predominant, prevailing and having priority. Until we do not understand this and we continue to think that Israel is based on full democratic rights, we will not understand what is happening here. I am not criticizing Israel’s democracy. I am simply presenting a problem which too often remains marginal. It is a conceptual and factual dilemma: is it possible for a State to be a full democracy and at the same time an identity state? The answer is no. Because a fully democratic State is characterized not by equality, but rather by the determination to achieve equality. The ability of democracies is to evolve according to the challenges they are faced with. Inequality and disparity are part of the construct of democracy. However, the difference between societies which work towards achieving a full democracy and other societies, is the fact that the former recognize the social and cultural limits expressed by that democracy and work to overcome them, renewing and innovating the democratic construct itself.

In what way?

If we are convinced that one identity is superior to the others and that it should remain so, which is the case in Israel with the Jewish identity (without wanting to discuss its legitimacy here), we are confronted with a conceptual limit of democracy’s ability to renew itself and evolve: there can never be a complete democracy because the value of identity will always be higher than that of democratic renewal. This may be legitimate however we need to realize this impossibility exists. We must overcome the hypocrisy that a state can be based on identity and at the same time be fully democratic. We need to make a choice which will come at a cost. We must start by being completely aware of the reality of the situation, and the reality is that in Israel different identities do not have equal dignity at a formal and substantial level.

This is true, on paper. Will it be possible for Israel to make this paradigm shift?

As things stand, conditions will not allow it, because the level of mutual trust between identities has been broken and continues to be worn down, also due to recent conflicts. The conditions are lacking in terms of culture, education and values. We are far from giving full recognition and respect to other people’s identities.

These attempts must be carried out on both sides. How can contact be made with the Palestinian side in order to lay the foundations to build a truly sound coexistence?

You say we need to work on both sides. However, this is only one of the levels where coexistence is missing. A culture of coexistence is also lacking within the Israeli community, between Israeli Arabs and Jews. We must avoid simplifying it by discussing only about Israelis and Palestinians because we risk creating a simplistic division of what is a much more complex reality, not just one-dimensional. There are different levels of problems as well as multiple perspectives. We should start by acquiring a profound understanding of identities. The reasons why violence has erupted within the community are not solely due to religious problems or of identity, but also because of social issues for example. And all this creates even greater divisions. What level of understanding should we be working on? Not just one but all of them. We must act on multiple levels, otherwise no intervention will be effective.

L'articolo Israel put to the test of coexistence proviene da InsideOver.

The coronavirus pandemic is on the brink of getting completely out of hand in the Palestinian territory of Gaza. Hospitals are not adequately prepared for the increasing number of cases. Meanwhile, the struggling area continues to be severely impacted by the pandemic’s negative economic fallout.

Gaza Needs Help

Gazans are urgently in need of international aid.

“The coming period will be difficult. The number of critical cases is expected to rise due to the lack of medical equipment and shortage of oxygen needed for such cases,” said Rami al-Abadla, director of the Infection Control Department at the General Hospital Administration of the Ministry of Health.

Abadla’s comments come despite the Palestinian Ministry of Health having been able to increase the number of beds specifically set up for COVID-19 patients from 100 to 150 through considerable efforts.

However, these measures are unlikely to be sufficient if the pandemic continues to spread at the same pace as it is now.

Why is Coronavirus Spreading so Rapidly in Gaza?

The intensified spread is aided by extremely inadequate conditions for containing the virus. Almost 2 million people currently live in Gaza’s 360 ​​square kilometer area, resulting in a population density of more than 5,300 inhabitants per square kilometer. In comparison: the EU contains an average of 121 people per square kilometer.

All in all, the circumstances in which Gazans live are severely challenging for limiting the spread of a disease. For instance, a rampant housing shortage and the resulting tight occupancy also provides a perfect breeding ground for the virus and thus an enhanced spread.

Moreover, the economic situation of many Palestinians remains dire. Until recently, the unemployment rate was 49.1 percent. Among young people, it reaches a stunning 70 percent. Around 160,000 jobs have been lost as a result of the pandemic, and the unemployment rate is expected to increase even further.

Underfunding of the UNRWA

Already, around 13,000 Palestinians receive aid from the United Nations Agency for Palestinian Refugees (UNRWA). The agency hence finances more people than any employer. However, the UNRWA is currently massively underfunded itself, particularly since the US withdrew its support. Now, vital services could become unsustainable.

UNRWA Commissioner-General Philippe Lazzarini has warned of an “imminent collapse of the health-care system in the Gaza Strip due to the COVID-19 pandemic,” especially in light of the aforementioned UNRWA’s financial deficit.

Gaza’s Case Count

Meanwhile, the number of infections is increasing dramatically. There are currently around 1,800 new cases every day in the autonomous areas of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. In total, more than 75,000 infections and over 650 deaths have already been registered in the Palestinian territories.

In Gaza, 32% of daily tests are positive, while 21,461 cases have been registered since the beginning of the pandemic in March.

If the pace continues, the situation will get out of control.

“In 10 days, the health system will become unable to absorb such a hike in cases, and there might be cases that will not find a place at intensive care units,” said Abdelnaser Soboh, World Health Organization Emergency Aid Coordinator in the Gaza Strip.

Will Gaza Impose a Lockdown?

The government is currently considering a lockdown. However, the economic situation makes this a difficult option. Many families are already doing very poorly. The loss of work due to lockdown is likely to make matters worse. In addition, due to the densely populated residential areas, the virus can continue to spread quickly, even in the event of a lockdown.

The Gaza Strip urgently needs rapid medical aid. The international community has been asked for medical equipment, says Fathi Abuwarda, advisor to the Palestinian minister of health. If this help is not provided, the number of infections and deaths will continue to rise.

At least some help is beginning to arrive. On Thursday, November 3, a delegation of Israeli doctors arrived in Gaza delivering medical equipment, providing free treatment as well as medical training.

L'articolo How COVID-19 is Devastating Gaza proviene da InsideOver.

With the establishment of diplomatic relations between parts of the Arab world and Israel, the Palestinian cause has lost the unconditional support it once enjoyed in the region. Washington’s facilitation of peace deals has severe altered the geopolitical status quo in the Middle East. Israel’s isolation is no longer, and the Gulf Arabs are ready to intertwine their economies to the Jewish state for a prosperous future.

Turkey, Iran, and the Palestinians are on the opposite side of these developments. The deals are detrimental to their respective agendas, so the consensus has faltered. Except for the Palestinians. Their fate was not sealed by the deal but by prolonged standing internal lack of progress.

Palestine’s Lack of Internal Progress

Recent developments are testimony of Palestine’s lack of progress. In the aftermath of the peace deals, Hamas and Fatah agreed on elections. Both sides reached this conclusion in Istanbul and under pressure from Turkey. What appears like a step in the right direction for Palestinians is merely more of the same. The rival parties had already agreed on elections in reconciliation agreements in 2014 and 2017, and the project failed each time.

Both made no progress since 2005 when Palestinians elected President Mahmud Abbas, and Hamas won the 2006 parliamentary elections. It has been a paralyzing stalemate since. Most importantly, this stalemate is the reason why Palestinians have not been able to have a say in shaping their future.

The Palestinian Authority often sulked and bucked where it would have been better to negotiate, while Hamas remains true to its modus operandi of a blockade. The result is an utter lack of functioning external representation for the Palestinian people.

Where Can Palestine Look for Support Now?

On top came the shock that not only did the Gulf Arabs establish relations with Israel, but that the other Arab states remained mostly silent. They could not have demonstrated any clearer that the Palestinians’ future is of secondary importance to the Arabs, if not irrelevant.

However, despite their party’s delay-filled and incompetent ways, Palestinians still possess support, namely from the European Union, which provides the most monetary donations to the Palestinians, while the Gulf Arabs and Turkey continue to send aid.

But it is not only the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza that are dependent on aid. Palestinian refugees also rely on it. Abandoned by almost everyone, it is the United Nations that continues to support them. However, due to recent changes in circumstances, its help is restricted.

The United States used to be the United Nations Relief and Works Agency’s (UNRWA) major and most generous donor. It has completely withdrawn. President Trump criticized the fact that the refugee status was passed on to the grandchildren and great-grandchildren of the Palestinians who fled in 1948.

As a result of Washington’s exit, the burden is left to Germany. With 170 million euros per annum, Berlin has become the largest donor for Palestinian refugees.

However, Germany cannot compensate for the US’ withdrawal as the latter has resulted in unprecedented financial difficulties for the UNRWA. Moreover, COVID-19 and the lack of prospects of any improvement paint a dark future for these Palestinians.

Hope for the Future

Despite all this, the current situation might be a chance for the Palestinians in Gaza. While they have lost the unconditional support of the Arab states, they may now finally realized that their government is utterly incompetent and more interested in ideological conflicts and violence, the region’s destabilization, and as a result, mainly responsible for their people’s misery.

Hamas and Fatah have failed to provide housing, work, infrastructure, or education to raise people’s hopes, dreams, and prospects. Due to the international community, Palestinians are not in a much worse situation than they already are in, but perhaps with the Middle East’s developments, some of them will see the light.

L'articolo A Crisis is a Terrible Thing to Waste: Palestinians and Their Chance for Change proviene da InsideOver.

The two Palestinian organizations Hamas and Fatah have been enemies for nearly two decades. However, the current geopolitical situation which is increasingly isolating Palestinians and their cause is now forcing them to overcome their differences.

Hamas-Fatah Meet to Unify Against Israel

Representatives of both groups met on Tuesday in the Turkish capital Ankara. The talks aim to end more than 13 years of division, said Khalil al-Hajja, a high-ranking Hamas representative. The meeting also served to implement the results of an earlier meeting between the General Secretaries of the two rival factions, which took place in Ramallah and Beirut in early September.

Here, Palestinian factions tried to re-establish unity against Israel and to eliminate political divisions. The Palestinian Authority (PA) and Hamas agreed to form a joint leadership group called the Unified National Leadership for Popular Resistance made up of all factions in order to ensure “comprehensive popular resistance” against the Israeli occupation. As a result, the Palestinian state will push back against the validity of the so-called “Arab Consensus” and reject the idea that it has been isolated due to recent developments.

What is the ‘Arab Consensus’?

The consensus has always been that Arab states will only normalize relations with Israel if Israel satisfies a number of conditions to guarantee Palestinian rights. One of them is that Israel will pull out of all areas that it has been involved in since the 1967 Six-Day War in which the Arab states attacked Israel and lost significant amounts of territory. Another is to agree to a Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital, while the third is to find a just solution for the millions of Palestinian refugees and their descendants.

Previously, representatives of both organizations had called for a joint fight against Israel’s possible annexations in the West Bank at the beginning of July.

Assessing Fatah and Hamas

The more moderate Fatah of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas is the largest Palestinian organization, while the Islamist Hamas is the second largest. Since 2007, Fatah has only ruled in the parts of the West Bank that are not administered by Israel. It was driven from the Gaza Strip by Hamas.

All attempts at reconciliation have so far failed. The last talks were held in 2017. Since then, leading representatives of both organizations have not sat down at the negotiating table.

Israel, the US, and the EU classify Hamas as a terrorist organization. The group, founded in 1987 and supported by Iran, denies Israel’s right to exist and calls for the forcible establishment of an Islamic Palestine from the Mediterranean to the Jordan. Their military arm has repeatedly carried out terrorist attacks on Israeli civilians.

Putting the Hamas-Fatah Talks in Context

Tuesday’s talks come days after the United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain signed US-brokered agreements to establish diplomatic relations with Israel. The so-called Abraham Accord has emphasized how isolated Palestinians have become in the Arab world.

Saudi-Arabia could soon join the UAE and Bahrain in agreeing to official diplomatic ties with Israel. The Gulf states are increasingly interested in good relations with Israel for economic and geopolitical reasons. Furthermore, all share the same enemy in Iran, which remains determined to destabilize the region for its regional hegemonic aspirations.

The Palestinian Cause Has Been Severely Weakened

Hamas’ and Fatah’s meeting is a testimony of how detrimental the situation has become for the Palestinians. The militants’ extremism approach, violence, and antisemitism will not only continue to exacerbate the conflict but also further alienate Arab nations and thus strengthen Israel’s position in the conflict.

The change within the Arab world could have been an opportunity for the Palestinians to seek lasting peace. However, as the Israeli diplomat Abba Eban once famously stated, “the Palestinians never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity.”

The forced rapprochement of Hamas and Fatah because of how isolated Palestine has become on the world stage is the latest example proving Eban’s words.

L'articolo Hamas and Fatah Meet in Ankara for Reconciliation Talks proviene da InsideOver.

Palestinians had seen it coming for years. The deal which the United Arab Emirates recently signed with Israel not only renders Palestinians hopeless but also makes them even more unaware of what the future might hold for them. But that is just one side of the story.

The “stab in the back” which Palestinians say has crushed their hopes of getting a fair response from the Arab world has many facets. Both regional powerhouses penned an agreement on August 13, paving the way for the normalization of diplomatic ties. After Egypt’s 1979 Peace Treaty and Jordan’s 1994 Agreement, the UAE has become only the 3rd Arab state to normalize ties with Israel.

How Was the Deal Made?

The deal was in the workings for years. Officials involved in the formulation of the agreement known as the Abraham Accord, say cohesion between both sides started picking up pace in February last year during the Mideast Conference in Poland. The main idea behind this deal in the long-run is to strengthen the UAE in terms of security to fight the battle along with ally Saudi Arabia against Iran’s regional influence.

The immediate propositions of this pact will see bilateral direct flights, scientific cooperation, and the establishment of concrete business ties. According to the UAE government, the deal will halt Israel’s annexation plans for parts of the West Bank and will give both sides a chance to negotiate a renewed peace plan.

But one might wonder how efficient these plans actually are?

Israel has shown little to no interest in harmonizing relations. Attacks are still being conducted on a daily basis, the United States embassy was also moved to Jerusalem last year and the Peace Plan was rejected by Palestinians as being “one-sided.” This time around, even the Muslim world remains divided over the stance taken by the UAE.

On one side are countries like Jordan and Egypt which have hailed the deal as a stepping stone to bring peace for the Palestinian cause. On the other, are allies Turkey and Iran which have strongly rejected the deal, saying the UAE has betrayed the Palestinian cause by siding with the Israelis.

International Response to the Abraham Accord

Let’s take a look at how exactly the Muslim world has responded to this political change. To get a better picture let’s divide them into two groups; Pro-deal and Anti-deal groups. Jordan, Egypt, Bahrain, Oman along with some European countries are the ones who have applauded the deal. Turkey, Iran, Qatar, Pakistan, Malaysia and Kuwait are the ones which have strongly criticized the deal.

Jordan and Egypt released a statement following the confirmation of the normalization of ties. Egyptian President Sisi welcomed the deal, saying it would help bring peace to the Middle East. Jordan’s Foreign Minister Safadi also lauded the agreement saying the deal was an incentive to end occupation once and for all.

Spain, Germany, France and the United Kingdom have also appreciated the effort made by both sides with all agreeing that if the deal is put through, there could be a much more peaceful Middle East which in turn will enable peace between Israel and Palestine once and for all.

Turkey on the other hand said the UAE was playing a dangerous role and President Recep Erdoğan even threatened to call his ambassador back to Ankara from Abu Dhabi. It added that the UAE must remain committed to the 2002 Arab Peace Plan developed by the Arab league. Iran, which is also considered to be a pivotal actor in the deal, termed the move “strategic stupidity.” While Oman backed the normalization of ties between both sides, Morocco released a statement with Prime Minister El Othmani saying that the rights of the Palestinians are a “red line” for his government.

Non-state actors such as Hamas and Hezbollah have also denounced the deal saying it will further increase tensions and bloodshed in Palestine. Pakistan and Qatar have also strongly rejected the deal with the Pakistani government saying it will respond according to the conditions of the Palestinians and how well they are treated by the accord. Pakistan’s Foreign Ministry also added that Palestinians must be given their full legitimate rights and the right to self-determination.

What Does the Future Hold for the Volatile Region?

While it’s apparent that the West has welcomed this deal between Abu Dhabi and Tel Aviv, they might have, in one way or the other, overlooked the real components of this deal. I believe that if the deal is actually to improve the living conditions of Palestinians, to stop annexation and to bring peace and stability in the region, both sides must work hard to achieve that. If the UAE is gaining better diplomatic relations and transfer of resources, then it should also comply with the peace plan and make sure to secure rights of Palestinians in order to legitimize Palestinians and secure a better future for them.

L'articolo Is the UAE-Israel Deal an Actual ‘Stab in the Back’ for Palestinians? proviene da InsideOver.

The president of the Palestinian Authority Mahmoud Abbas has threatened that Palestine will no longer be committed to all security agreements it has signed with Israel and America. The shocking announcement came just two days after the unveiling of Israel’s new government following a deal between Benjamin Netanyahu and Benny Gantz.

Abbas: Agreements With Israel and USA ‘Are Absolved as of Today’

“The Palestine Liberation Organisation and the State of Palestine are absolved as of today, of all the agreements and understandings with the American and Israeli governments and of all the obligations based on these understandings and agreements, including the security one,” Abbas said.

Abbas’s was protesting against the impending annexation of the West Bank under a plan drafted by US President Donald Trump’s administration. Just before his swearing in, Netanyahu had announced his intention of extending Israel sovereignty over settlements on the West Bank terming it a “glorious chapter in the history of Zionism.”

What Agreements Does Palestine Have With Israel?

Palestine has signed several agreements with Israel. These include the Oslo Accords, Hebron Agreement and Wye River Memorandum. These agreements have established the security parameters, cooperation frameworks and the civilian and security administrative divisions between Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank.

The Oslo Accords were a set of two agreements signed by the late Yasser Arafat, former leader of Palestine Liberation Organisation and late Israeli leader Yitzhak Rabin. They were signed in Washington, DC in 1993 and in Egypt in 1995. The accords led to the PLO recognizing the State of Israel in return of Palestinians having some increased control over the occupied territories.

While the Oslo Accords have largely been credited with quelling extreme hostilities that had earlier existed between the Palestinians and the Israelis, long lasting peace is yet to be achieved.

The Key Importance of the Hebron Agreement

The Hebron Agreement was signed on January 17, 1997. The signatories were General Dan Shamron representing Prime Minister Netanyahu and Saeb Erekat representing Yasser Arafat. The protocol provided for the deployment of IDF troops in Hebron, the only major West Bank city not fully transferred to the Palestinians.

Under the protocol, Hebron was divided into Area H-1 and Area-H-2. The Palestine Police assumed responsibilities in Area H-1 while Israel retained powers and responsibilities for internal security and public order in Area H-2.

In summary, the Hebron Agreement provided the security, coordination, measures and arrangements to implement the Oslo II Accord of 1995 that sought to reduce points of friction between Israel and Palestine by giving broadening Palestinian self-government in the West Bank, while at the same time protecting Israel’s vital interests, particularly security interests.

The Wye River Memorandum

The Wye River Memorandum was signed in October of 1998 by Netanyahu representing Israel and Arafat representing the Palestinian Authority. Its aim was to facilitate the withdrawal of Israeli forces from parts of West Bank and the resumption of the implementation of the Oslo II Accord.

Although in the past Abbas had made several statements threatening to pull out of the agreements, he never made good his threats. However, there is a strong likelihood that this time he might take some steps to undermine the agreements.

‘Security Coordination With Israel is No More’

To prove this, the Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammed Shttayyeh early this week directed the cabinet to start implementing Abbas’s announcement.

“Security cooperation with the United States is no more. Security coordination with Israel is no more. We are going to maintain public order and the rule of law alone,” Shttayyeh said

The Israelis, Palestinian Authority and America have always shared intelligence information to counter terrorist activities by radical Palestinian groups. Without such cooperation, Israel will be vulnerable to groups such as the Hamas who have constantly fired rockets into its territory.

The friction between Palestinian and Israeli forces is also bound to increase as both sides stop to cooperate in providing security in the disputed areas.

Fear of Increased Violence and Clashes

Citing Israel military sources, this week one Israel media company confirmed that the cooperation has indeed stopped. Israeli officials speaking to the UK Independent confirmed this saying they feared the halting of cooperation could lead to increased violence and clashes between soldiers from both sides.

But there are also others who feel that Abbas is only issuing threats to put pressure on Israel and won’t take any extreme step that could jeopardize his image and also negatively impact Palestine.

“Political statements of this magnitude could be very useful if they fulfil a domestic or international function deemed in the national interest of the issuing party,” said Khalil Jahsan Executive Director Arab Center Washington.
According to him anything short of that could be quite damaging and self defeating to the Palestinian Authority. “Issuing tough statements is vastly easier than implementing the plans outlined in them,” Jahsan said.

The main question is whether Palestinian Authority would be prepared to deal with Israeli retaliation such as refusal to recognize the Palestinian Authority Government which came into existence following the signing of Oslo Accords.

In the opinion of Jonathan Kuttab, a non-resident Fellow at the Arab Center Washington, “The Palestinian Authority is intricately tied to Israel in numerous ways.” Therefore dissolving the agreements is in effect dissolving itself since its very existence is based on those agreements, according to Kuttab’s analysis.

Another impediment to Palestinian Authority disengaging itself from the agreements is its dependence on Israel to meet some of its obligations . As stipulated in the Paris Protocol of 1994, Israel collects taxes on its behalf of Palestine in West Bank and Gaza.

According to Reuters the tax transfers makes up about 50% of the Palestinian Authority’s budget. Last year alone Israel handed around $430 million to the Authority. This money is needed to pay wages and to provide basic services, raising major questions about what happens if there is an interruption to the flow of these funds.

L'articolo Implication of Palestine’s Threat to Cancel its Agreements With Israel proviene da InsideOver.

For years, one issue has united countries across the Muslim world: Palestinian Liberation. Countries as diverse as Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, Jordan, Indonesia, Kyrgyzstan and Albania may have little in common, but their support for the Palestinian cause in all strata of society has been consistently loud and clear. But now, as the US strives to push through a peace deal viewed by many Palestinians as a humiliating annexation plan, these supporters are showing where their loyalties truly lie. In doing so, they threaten to push Palestine into the arms of its last remaining loyal friend: Iran.

Palestine’s Geopolitical Alliance Outlook

Outwardly, Palestine’s traditional allies are still on side. The EU and the African Union rejected Trump’s “Deal of the Century.” The Arab League, a union of 22 nations that includes Egypt, Jordan, UAE, Lebanon, Jordan, Bahrain, Oman, Saudi Arabia and Qatar, denounced Trump’s deal as laying the foundation of apartheid, rather than a genuine two-state solution. Behind the scenes, though, many of these countries are wavering. 

“Arab regimes in the Gulf are much more interested in cultivating a discreet, but close relationship with Israel because of their shared concern with Iran, than they are in supporting the Palestinian issue,” Says Dov Waxman, Professor in Israeli Studies at UCLA. The “geopolitical and diplomatic reality,” he warns, is that Palestinians feel increasingly neglected by an international community that’s letting them down.

Saudi Arabia’s Palestine Dilemma

Of all these supporters, Saudi Arabia is in the most awkward position. Being a visible and public ally to Palestine is an important part of the Kingdom’s self-styled image as being a supposed guardian of Islam and protector of the faithful all over the world. At the same time, the country’s ambitious Crown Prince is looking to diversify the economy away from oil. This makes Israel – one of the region’s economic superpowers ⁠- too big a potential partner to ignore. 

In a 2018 interview with the Atlantic, Saudi Prince Mohammed Bin Salman broke with years of Saudi foreign policy to acknowledge Israel’s right to their “own land.” In private meetings, he is reported to have criticized the Palestinian Authority over a perceived lack of willingness to negotiate with Israel. Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia and Israel share an important mutual friend: the US. Working together is inevitable, even if all three nations find it politically expedient to play down these relationships back home. 

“The Saudis are trying to say one thing in Washington and another thing in the Middle East, and it’s not working out very well,” says Hady A. Amr, former Deputy Special Envoy for Israeli-Palestinian negotiations under President Obama. 

Growing Ties Between Saudi Arabia and Israel and Serious Tensions With Iran

This duality isn’t new. Behind the scenes, Saudi Arabia and Israel have been quietly working together to normalise relations for years. This was inspired partly by their shared resentment of Obama, who cooled ties with both countries while alarming Gulf State despots by showing support for pro-democracy protesters during the Arab Spring⁠ ⁠— Trump and Obama’s approaches “could not be more different”, says Amr.

Bringing the crisis to a head, though, is the mounting tension between Iran and its three shared enemies: the US, Israel and Saudi Arabia. 

Ever since President Trump withdrew from the Iranian Nuclear Deal in 2018, diplomacy in the Gulf has been spiraling into chaos, edging the region closer to inter-state war. The US and Iran publicly taunt and threaten each other, even flirting with the possibility of maritime conflict. Tehran also funnels its aggression into proxy conflicts with Israel and Saudi Arabia, the most destructive example being Yemen.

When the US assassinated Iranian General Qasem Soleimani in January – with the help of Israeli intelligence ⁠- many feared this would spark all-out conflict, one that would place Palestine firmly in the line of fire. “The Soleimani attack could have sparked a war, which could have opened a Hezbollah Israel front. We could still see something like that going forward,” says Amr.

“The world is concerned about the possibility of world war, but not Palestinians,” shrugs Shaher Haroun, Deputy General Manager for Palestinian Society for Care and Development in Al’Amari, a 70-year-old refugee camp near Ramallah in the West Bank. War, or something very similar to it, has long been the daily reality, he says. “We are used to it”.

Palestinians may dismiss the Iran-US tensions as bluster, but it’s already playing out in their own backyard

As the wording of Trump’s deal makes clear, the US “vision” is less about peace and prosperity than removing an inconvenient barrier to recruiting Israel’s neighbors into a coordinated effort to contain Iran. The document even lumps together the grievances and priorities of Israel and Saudi Arabia (which does not yet officially recognise Israel as a state), suggesting that Iran’s strategy to “encircle” both countries would be averted by better collaboration between Israel and its Arab neighbours following a peace treaty.

Saudi Arabia Praises Some of Trump’s Palestine Peace Plan, Iran Denounces ‘Devilish’ Plan

While he stopped short of endorsing a document that essentially absolves Israel and blames Palestinians for all facets of the ongoing conflict, Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince expressed support for President Trump’s efforts. Likewise, State Minister for Foreign Affairs, Adel al-Jubeir, praised some “positive elements” of the peace plan, while Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan al-Saud announced the Kingdom’s intention to develop relations with Israel following a deal.

Iran, on the other hand, seized the opportunity to proclaim support for Palestine. Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei strongly and publicly denounced Trump’s plan, tweeting (in Farsi): “The devilish and vicious policy of America toward Palestine called the ‘deal of the century’ will never materialize…all Muslim nations will confront them and will not let it materialize.” 

Tehran is putting both its money and its munitions where its mouth is.

Iran already supports Hamas, a fundamentalist political organisation and militant group that has controlled the Gaza strip since 2007, and to an even greater extent, its rival, Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ). Iran supplies the PIJ with weapons, combat training and millions of dollars in cash, keeping the militant group engaged in active conflict with Israeli forces for years. The PIJ fired several hundred missiles towards Tel-Aviv in November 2019 alone. 

‘The Islamic Republic Sees Supporting Palestinian Groups as its Duty’

In response to Trump’s proposed peace plan, Khamenei publicly promised to step up support for Palestinian militants. “We believe that Palestinian-armed organizations will stand and continue resistance. The Islamic Republic sees supporting Palestinian groups as its duty,” he said. 

Iran has plenty of reasons to meddle in the Palestinian territories. First and foremost, it’s a strategically useful way to get at Israel by, as Amr puts it, using local militant groups “as levers to turn on and off when they’re needed.” The uptick in violence in Gaza following Soleimani’s killing suggests that Iranian revenge could indeed be a factor.

“Iran has an incentive to see an escalation on the Israeli-Palestinian front and to ensure that Israel’s southern border isn’t too quiet. Just to kind of remind Israel that it also has the ability to directly strike back,” says Waxman. “But obviously, the other reason for that escalation in violence is a response to Trump’s peace plan.” 

On a larger scale, taking over the reins as champions of the Palestinian struggle means challenging another major rival: Saudi Arabia.

“The Palestinian issue is a good issue for Iran to position itself as a kind of defender of all Muslims, and to generate popular support across the region,” says Waxman. “That is related to Iran’s desire to present itself as a kind of pan-Islamic power and to mobilize popular support, which is related to its long-standing historical rivalry with Saudi Arabia.”

Iran Wants to be Seen as an Islamic Power, Not Just a Regional Power

In other words, Iran wants to be seen as an Islamic power, not just a regional power. By positioning itself as the only Muslim nation left standing up to America and Israel while defending the rights of Palestinians, it intends to step into Saudi Arabia’s shoes as the foremost Islamic power. 

This comes at a particularly sensitive time for US-Palestinian relations; one which throws Saudi’s muted response into sharp relief.

In 2018, the Trump administration announced that it would cut all funding and support to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), which provides assistance and protection for over 5.5 million Palestinian refugees, and withdrew over $200 million in support to Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, citing concerns about Hamas’ influence in the region. 

Washington also abandoned all semblance of neutrality in the Israel-Palestine conflict, moving the US embassy to Jerusalem and closing the de-facto Palestinian Consulate. The contentious decision triggered days of protests in Gaza, with dozens of deaths and over 1000 people injured. Tehran’s Foreign Minister, Mohammed Javad Zariff, was quick to denounce the US embassy opening as “a great day of shame.” He accused the Israeli government of “massacring countless Palestinians in cold blood.”

Things have got so bad that the Palestinian Authority recently announced plans to cut ties completely with Israel and the US. According to Amr, this represents a dangerous U-Turn from the Obama administration, which made sure to keep in regular contact with the PA, despite tensions between the two sides. 

“At least we kept the lines of communication fully open and would regularly try to take positions that were bridging gaps between the Palestinian Authority and Israel,” he says, warning that Trump’s insistence on breaking all “long-standing international norms” has undone any genuine progress the US previously made in the region, undermining “three-quarters of a century of US international policy.” 

“Right now, what we have is a president that seeks to ignite nationalism around the world in his own political interests. And I don’t think it’s helpful to anyone,” he adds.

In the meantime, it’s little wonder if Palestinians caught in the middle drift into Iran’s orbit.

Trump Has Cut Off Palestinian Avenues of Democratic Change

By leaving the Palestinian Authority out of negotiations, Trump made it clear that their democratically elected bodies have no influence over the future of Palestinians’ land. Illegal Israeli settlements continue to proliferate in the West Bank with impunity, and Israeli President Netanyahu recently announced plans for thousands of new homes in occupied East Jerusalem. Waxman suggests that this indicates that Israel views the peace proposal as the US giving the green light to annex more of the West Bank. By contrast, Ariel Shannon pulled all Jewish settlers out of Gaza in 2005 amid mounting security concerns. Seen in this light, it’s hardly surprising that today, militant groups in Gaza enjoy support from around one third of the Strip’s residents.

However nefarious Iran’s motives, Palestinians are running low on options. The US has chosen Israel, loud and clear. Riyadh increasingly sees them as a hindrance, not a priority. The Arab world is losing interest. Not that Palestinians seem surprised; tell an inhabitant of Ramallah how passionately people in Riyadh or Amman champion their cause and you’ll get a raised eyebrow or a cynical smile. 

Palestinians are painfully aware that, despite being half the planet’s cause célèbre for generations, international outrage has failed to improve the situation on the ground. As friends fall away and combatting Iran becomes the region’s number one priority, it’s increasingly clear who they can ⁠— and can’t ⁠— rely on.

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