Siete spaventati per il costo della benzina di oltre 2 euro al litro? Sappiate che nel momento in cui scriviamo c’è un posto, in Asia, dove è quasi il doppio nonché il più caro del mondo: più di 3,50 euro al litro. Siamo a Hong Kong e qui la situazione è drammatica.

In realtà, ancor prima che scoppiasse la guerra in Iran, il costo del carburante nella regione amministrativa speciale cinese era in costante crescita. L’escalation militare nel Golfo e l’effettiva chiusura dello Stretto di Hormuz, una rotta marittima cruciale per il trasporto di petrolio e gas – soprattutto verso il continente asiatico – hanno dato il colpo decisivo. Certo, i proprietari di auto private nell’ex colonia britannica sono solo l’8,4% dei 7,5 milioni di abitanti della metropoli. Allo stesso tempo, i prezzi alle stelle della benzina rischiano di alimentare l’inflazione e aumentare i costi della logistica con ripercussioni a catena in tanti altri settori.

L’approvvigionamento energetico di Hong Kong è garantito grazie alla Cina, visto che quasi l’80% dei suoi prodotti petroliferi arriva dalla Mainland. Il governo locale ha tuttavia varato misure emergenziali, come i sussidi al diesel e i tagli ai pedaggi.

Cosa succede a Hong Kong

Il governo, come detto, ha varato sussidi di due mesi pari a 3 dollari di Hong Kong (0,38 dollari statunitensi) al litro per il gasolio destinato a veicoli pubblici e commerciali, imbarcazioni e industrie correlate, oltre ad aver ridotto del 50% i pedaggi autostradali per autobus, minibus, taxi e veicoli per il trasporto merci. “Grazie al forte sostegno della madrepatria, Hong Kong è riuscita a mantenere una fornitura energetica stabile nonostante le carenze energetiche che hanno colpito molte regioni e città del mondo”, ha aggiunto il governo cittadino riferendosi alla Cina continentale. Se c’è l’ancora di Pechino, allora dov’è il problema?

Semplice: la forte dipendenza dalle importazioni di carburante in un contesto di prezzi elevatissimi ha messo sotto pressione i trasporti, la logistica, la pesca, persino le lavanderie e tanti altri settori, minacciando i mezzi di sussistenza locali. Negli ultimi giorni, non a caso, i media hongkonghesi hanno scritto che un numero crescente di automobilisti preferisce fare rifornimento nella Cina continentale, dove la benzina può costare fino a un terzo rispetto a Hong Kong.

Come se non bastasse, anche con gli sconti fare rifornimento a Hong Kong costa almeno il 15% in più del periodo pre guerra in Iran: un bel problema visto che qui i prezzi del carburante partono da livelli piuttosto elevati e che un aumento del genere pesa sui redditi medi dei residenti.

Prezzi del carburante alle stelle

Come ha sottolineato la Cnn, i prezzi altissimi della benzina, insieme alle tariffe di parcheggio astronomiche e alle elevate spese di immatricolazione, rendono il possesso di un’auto a Hong Kong uno dei più bassi tra le principali città globali e le economie più ricche. La guerra in Iran ha ulteriormente complicato uno scenario di per sé complesso.

Afp ha intanto riferito che la città ha iniziato ad assistere a un “forte aumento” del commercio illegale di carburante. I funzionari dei vigili del fuoco hanno osservato un “forte aumento delle denunce” relative ad attività di rifornimento illecite, ricevendone 154 a marzo, circa il 40% in più rispetto alla media dei due mesi precedenti, mentre le autorità doganali, sempre a marzo, hanno sequestrato quasi 19.500 litri di “carburante illegale”, più di quanto fatto a gennaio e febbraio messi insieme.

Gli analisti hanno avvertito che l’impennata dei supplementi per il trasporto merci e i costi occulti dei derivati del petrolio – che vanno dalle calze ai fertilizzanti agricoli – faranno inevitabilmente salire l’indice dei prezzi al consumo e potrebbero persino causare la temutissima stagflazione. Hong Kong trattiene il fiato e spera che tutto passi in fretta.

L'articolo La Cina ha un problema: Hong Kong è travolta dalla crisi energetica proviene da InsideOver.

Aggiungi un posto all’affollatissimo tavolo delle auto elettriche cinesi. L’ultima arrivata risponde al nome di BeyonCa, abbreviazione di Beyond the Car, ossia “oltre l’auto”. Parliamo di una start-up specializzata nello sviluppo di Electric Vehicle (Ev) luxury, ormai pronta a presentare il suo primo modello di produzione alla fine di ottobre. Si tratta di un modello di lusso, la Grand Tourer Opus 1, progettata per viaggi ad alta velocità e a lunga distanza.

Il prezzo? Nulla a che vedere con le tradizionali auto elettriche cinesi low cost: partiamo da 100.000 dollari per salire in base alle funzionalità scelte dai fortunati acquirenti. Altro aspetto rilevante: BeyonCa produrrà la Grand Tourer a Tai Po, Hong Kong, presso l’Hong Kong Science and Technology Parks.

I mezzi saranno destinati per lo più a clienti provenienti da Europa e Medio Oriente. Ma cosa sappiamo di questo diavolo della strada, elegante come una Mercedes ma al contempo aggressivo come una Bmw? E da dove viene BeyonCa?

BeyonCa: oltre l’auto

L’idea di BeyonCa, ben espressa dalla traduzione letterale del nome, è quella di andare oltre la semplice costruzione di automobili, in questo caso elettriche, offrendo esperienze che vadano “oltre” la semplice auto, includendo mobilità, servizi, salute, tecnologia. Nel suo sito ufficiale la start-up spiega che il nome è nato dal desiderio di ridefinire il rapporto tra auto e persone andando, appunto, “oltre l’auto”.

BeyonCa è stata fondata nel 2021 da Soh Weiming, che in precedenza aveva lavorato per 16 anni presso la sede cinese di Volkswagen. È sostenuta per il 15% da Renault e per il 45% da Dongfeng Motor. Nello specifico, Dongfeng contribuisce non solo come investitore, ma anche come partner strategico per la produzione, mentre Renault è coinvolta nell’aspetto tecnologico, nell’ecosistema e come supporto industriale/investitore.

Tra gli altri stakeholder, oltre al colosso cinese delle batterie Catl e varie istituzioni finanziarie, troviamo l’Al Faisaliah Group Holding Company (Afg), un gruppo di investimento saudita con base a Riyadh. Soh ha fatto sapere che BeyonCa punta a vendere 100.000 veicoli elettrici all’anno, con tre o cinque modelli disponibili entro “qualche anno dopo il 2025”.

Ecco la Grand Tourer

L’obiettivo di BeyonCa? Creare un marchio Made in Hong Kong e vendere i suoi veicoli elettrici di lusso in tutto il mondo. Il prezzo della Grand Tourer Opus 1 dovrebbe ondeggiare intorno ai 100.000 dollari collocandosi a metà strada tra i veicoli di Bmw Serie 7 e la Classe S di Mercedes-Benz. Ancora nebbia fitta in merito alle sue caratteristiche tecniche.

La BeyonCa GT Opus 1, conosciuta anche come Optus 1, si presenta in ogni caso come una berlina elettrica di lusso ad alte prestazioni, progettata per competere nel segmento premium. Tra le sue caratteristiche tecniche principali spicca una batteria da circa 130 kWh, abbinata a un’architettura elettrica a 800 volt, che consente ricariche ultra-rapide fino a 350 kW, in linea con i migliori standard del settore.

Il design della vettura è fortemente orientato all’aerodinamica e al comfort da gran turismo, con linee pulite, maniglie a scomparsa e una coda “boat tail” elegante. Un elemento distintivo è l’integrazione di sensori biometrici a bordo, capaci di monitorare parametri vitali del conducente – come la pressione sanguigna – e intervenire in caso di emergenza, segnalando eventuali anomalie alle autorità sanitarie.

Non sono ancora stati resi pubblici i dati ufficiali su autonomia, potenza del motore o prestazioni, ma tutto lascia presagire un posizionamento ai vertici della categoria, sia in termini di tecnologia che di comfort. Per la cronaca, il ruolo di responsabile del design di BeyonCa è ricoperto da Dirk van Braeckel: 40 anni di esperienza nella progettazione automobilistica ed esperienza in Volkswagen.

L'articolo Un po’ Mercedes, un po’ Bmw: BeyonCa lancia la Grand Tourer proviene da InsideOver.

(Da Hong Kong) – A Hong Kong è difficile vedere il cielo. I palazzoni moderni di vetro e acciaio, sedi di grandi banche e multinazionali, limitano l’afflusso di luce solare nei bassifondi. Eppure è qui, lungo le strade dai nomi britannici della Baia di Causeway, i lussuosi centri commerciali di Tsim Sha Tsui e i vicoli caotici di Mong Kok, a Kowloon, che scorre la vera vita cittadina. È qui che si intrecciano le storie degli uomini incravattati che alimentano l’economia dell’ex colonia britannica a colpi di investimenti e quelle degli artigiani che continuano a vendere chincaglierie di ogni genere.

La qualità della vita resta alta: nel 2024 il pil pro capite nominale si aggirava intorno ai 54.000 dollari, in crescita del 6,8 % su base annua. Sbagliava di grosso chi pensava che il mito finanziario di Hong Kong tramontasse dopo il ritorno in mano cinese, perché Pechino ha trasformato la megalopoli in una calamita per attrarre capitale e reinserirlo tra Cina e resto dell’Asia.

Certo, qualcosa è cambiato negli ultimi anni in termini di libertà di espressione e pochi hanno voglia di parlare di politica in pubblico. E però, al netto di qualche quotidiano anti cinese fatto chiudere, le librerie continuano a pullulare di libri che fanno le pulci al Partito Comunista Cinese, che criticano Xi Jinping, che mettono in dubbio il ”modello cinese”, che parlano del rischio di una guerra a Taiwan. A Hong Kong l’opinione pubblica – seppur un po’ anestetizzata – è ancora viva e vegeta. Nessuno vuole però compromettere la propria posizione, o peggio, bloccare la giostra degli affari.

Un’altra Cina

La storia degli ombrelli gialli e le proteste per l’approvazione della legge sulla sicurezza nazionale sono finite in secondo piano; sembra che interessino più a noi, nel senso di Occidente per mettere in imbarazzo la Cina, che non alla maggior parte degli hongkonghesi.

Le persone comuni vivono di economia e l’economia funziona soltanto se non ci sono tensioni. Gli altri, e cioè gli appartenenti alla classe media, gli studenti progressisti e i non pochi amanti del modello occidentale, sono invece sempre più insofferenti all’idea che Pechino possa, di fatto, decidere chi sia lo Chief Executive di questa Regione Amministrativa Speciale e piazzare un proprio uomo a dirigere il sistema politico locale. Ebbene, sembra che se ne stiano iniziando a fare una ragione.

Certo, l’ombra dei dazi Usa spaventa il ”porto profumato” ma i dati dicono anche che l’economia di Hong Kong è cresciuta del 3,1% nel secondo trimestre di quest’anno rispetto allo stesso periodo del 2024, con una leggera ripresa rispetto ai primi tre mesi.

Il volume giornaliero di scambi in Borsa nella prima metà dell’anno è addirittura aumentato del 120%, raggiungendo circa i 31 miliardi di dollari. Le 52 offerte pubbliche iniziali (IPO) nei primi sette mesi hanno raccolto quasi 16,7 miliardi con un incremento di sei volte rispetto allo stesso periodo dell’anno precedente.

Hong Kong ha comunque un vantaggio unico: può sfruttare il sistema di common law e l’economia di libero mercato e, al contempo, svolgere il ruolo di ”superconnettore” tra l’Occidente e la Cina.

Il lato oscuro di Hong Kong

Tra affari e finanza, tra le insegne di alta moda e le supercar con la guida a destra che sfrecciano in mezzo al traffico, Hong Kong nasconde tuttavia anche un lato oscuro difficile da ignorare: il suo mercato immobiliare è letteralmente fuori controllo.

Da queste parti una casa costa in media tra i 17.000 e 25.000 dollari al m², tra i valori più alti al mondo. Da 14 anni consecutivi viene considerata la città più inaccessibile al mondo per l’acquisto di un’abitazione. Un report dell’Urban Land Institute registra un prezzo medio di oltre 1,1 milioni dollari per casa, corrispondente a 25,1 volte il reddito medio annuo di una famiglia.

Il risultato? Molte persone a basso reddito si trovano costrette a vivere in contesti ai limiti dell’umano. Si stima infatti che circa 220.000 persone vivano in subdivided flats (SDUs) e ”coffin homes” (cioè ”case bara”), dove uno spazio è grande appena quanto un letto.

Parliamo di appartamenti di circa 40-50 metri quadri, suddivisi in spazi minuscoli, solitamente una trentina, dove i residenti vivono (o sopravvivono) in letti a castello in compensato, ognuno con la propria porta scorrevole. Ogni cuccetta è larga una sessantina di centimetri e lunga neanche 2 metri. Al loro interno ci si può a malapena sdraiare e sedere. La cucina e i servizi igienici sono solitamente di dimensioni simili a quelle degli appartamenti e condivisi dagli abitanti di più cubicoli.

In più bisogna considerare le condizioni atmosferiche. In estate a Hong Kong in estate le temperature sono altissime e i mini appartamenti si trasformano in veri e propri forni. L’aria condizionata? Serve a poco. Anche se i dispositivi girano al massimo, all’interno di molte abitazioni le temperature oscillano intorno ai 37-38 C°. Le nuove normative previste entro il 2026 (che richiedono, per esempio, unità minime di 8 m², finestra, bagno separato) anziché risolvere il problema rischiano di aumentare i canoni d’affitto. Lasciando molte famiglie senza alternative.

L'articolo Tra grattacieli e case bara: luci e ombre di Hong Kong proviene da InsideOver.

The Five Eyes intelligence sharing group – which is comprised of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the United States – has said that China’s imposition of new rules to disqualify elected legislators in Hong Kong appears to be part of a campaign to silence opponents.

The alliance has called on the Chinese Government to reverse course.

The comments are in response to Hong Kong’s decision to expel four opposition members from its legislature last week after Beijing provided city authorities with new powers to curb dissent. The move triggered mass resignations by Hong Kong’s pro-democracy opposition politicians.

It also raised concerns about the degree of the former British colony’s autonomy, promised under a “one country, two systems” formula when the UK ended its colonial rule and handed the island back to Beijing in 1997.

China Fears Five Eyes’ Interference in Hong Kong

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Zhao Lijan has expressed strong dissatisfaction and firm opposition to repeated external interference in China’s internal affairs, warning the Five Eyes alliance not to harm China’s sovereignty and security.

However the Hong Kong protests are an opportunity for the Five Eyes group to defend the former British colony’s sovereignty from Chinese interference. The coronavirus has escalated the rivalry between the West and Beijing, and many Western nations are taking the threat that China poses far more seriously than they have ever done before.

Five Eyes Should be much More Than Just an Intelligence Alliance

Peter Martin, Kitty Donaldson and Kait Bolongaro of the Japan Times interviewed experts who told them that “intelligence around the world will always have a Chinese angle, will always look for Chinese threats just as we once saw events in Angola through the prism of the Soviet Union.”

The problem with Five Eyes is that it has no formal staff or official headquarters. Many people familiar with the intelligence sharing group claim that it is becoming more of a go-to forum for an array of emerging issues, of which Hong Kong is a typical example.

British Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab signaled the changing role for the alliance in June when he appealed to Britain’s intelligence partners for “burden sharing” if Hong Kong residents fled the island in response to China’s sweeping national security law earlier this year.

The alliance’s traditional role is being transformed too. One current Five Eyes intelligence official told the Japan Times that information-sharing and joint work between the partners is the strongest it has ever been on many topics. Therefore, the group will continue to play a role in monitoring the situation in Hong Kong in the near future, even if the Chinese Government failed to provide an adequate response to their request to end the silencing of Hong Kong’s pro-democracy supporters.

It’s Time for Five Eyes to Modernize and Adapt

In order to provide the alliance with more clout in pressuring China to restore Hong Kong’s autonomy, there is no reason why Five Eyes should not be expanded, as I wrote in July. Many British Conservative MPs originally supported such a move at the time as they felt like the group could be enlarged to include Japan, which means it could be broadened into a strategic economic relationship that pools key reserves such as critical minerals and medical supplies.

Yet Japan would also be provided with the advantages of Five Eyes’ signals intelligence, defense intelligence, human intelligence and geospatial intelligence if they joined the alliance, as Beijing may pose a threat to Tokyo’s autonomy in the future.

With India also feeling threatened by Chinese hegemony, there is no reason why they cannot join Five Eyes as well. Either way, the current purpose of the alliance needs to change if they are serious about preventing China from expanding into Hong Kong and other territories.

Many Western nations now need to be more ambitious about Five Eyes’ purpose. It could be so much more than an intelligence sharing group, but until it moves beyond its current purpose, there is almost absolutely nothing they can do about Hong Kong in the meantime other than monitor the deteriorating situation there.

L'articolo Can the Five Eyes Alliance Save Hong Kong’s Pro-Democracy Movement? proviene da InsideOver.

Tensions between the United States and China continue to increase, with US President Donald Trump recently signing a bill into law that aims to punish those who “wipe out Hong Kong’s freedom.” However, his intentions are not solely based on China’s behavior.

Holding Beijing Accountable for ‘Repressive Actions’

In the dispute over Hong Kong’s autonomy, President Trump signed a sanction law against China. It aims to hold Beijing accountable for “repressive actions” against the people of Hong Kong, the president stated.

The law the president signed equips the government of the United States with mechanisms against Chinese individuals and institutions that threaten the freedom of Hong Kong. Previously, The House of Representatives and the Senate had passed the Hong Kong Autonomy Act at the beginning of the month in a bipartisan effort.

China passed the controversial Hong Kong national security law late last month. It targets conduct Beijing considers subversive, separatist, or terrorist, while also grant the tool to punish what China calls clandestine agreements between Hong Kong independence advocates and foreign governments.

Targeting Chinese Nationals With Sanctions and Travel Restrictions

The now signed bill provides for sanctions that may freeze the property of Chinese nationals in the United States and prevent these individuals from entering the country. Punitive measures can also be imposed on foreign banks that, from the US perspective, contribute to China’s efforts to undermine Hong Kong’s autonomy. In practice, the latter could materialize in US financial institutions being prohibited from lending to affected Chinese banks.

Besides the bill, Trump also signed an order that will end all preferential treatment for Hong Kong, which will primarily affect economic factors, export controls, customs duties and the issuing of visas, effectively treating Hong Kong as China moving forward. The latter had been announced first in May and is a result of China’s increased interference in Hong Kong.

US-China Tensions Are on the Rise

The new US sanctions will likely further intensify tensions between the United States and China. Trump recently blamed China for the global spread of the coronavirus. When asked, Trump said he had no plans to speak to Chinese leader Xi Jinping.

The timing of Trump’s signature, meanwhile, is not a coincidence. The current tensions with China are not only sought but needed. Besides Joe Biden, Trump has been utilizing Beijing as one of his primary calling cards for his re-election campaign. The playbook thus entails the “law and order” president Trump who is not only standing up for the people of Hong Kong but stands his ground against the Chinese regime, which his base considers being the United States’ primary adversary at this stage. Accordingly, any future Chinese retaliation plays into Trump’s hands.

‘One Country, Two Systems’

The former British crown colony of Hong Kong has been mainly managed autonomously since it was returned to China in 1997, according to the “one country, two systems” principle. The United States sees China’s security law as a clear violation of Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedoms.

The efforts taken by the United States in regard to Hong Kong are not new. In yet another bipartisan effort, Congress passed almost unanimously two pieces of legislation that aimed to support the protests in Hong Kong. The president signed the bill into effect in November, while Beijing complained about the United States’ “overt interference in internal affairs”.

Hong Kong Citizens Face Increased Repression

Unlike the people in the Communist People’s Republic, the seven million Hong Kong citizens enjoy extensive rights such as freedom of assembly and expression, as promised in 1997. However, due to the newly imposed security law, the likelihood of severe restrictions of their freedoms has increased significantly.

The law has been criticized throughout Western democracies, and further sanctions — not only from the US but also the UK and eventually the European Union alike — seem inevitable at this stage.

L'articolo The US Sanctions China Over Hong Kong proviene da InsideOver.

Visitors to Hong Kong who come from China will now be quarantined for 14 days without exception following widespread calls for Chief Executive Carrie Lam to do more as the Wuhan coronavirus spreads. The situation has escalated to the point where some Hong Kong doctors have even gone on strike to emphasize their demands for stricter actions to be taken.

Global Deaths From Coronavirus Are Increasing

At midnight Saturday, the order, the “Prevention and Control of Disease Ordinance,” came into effect. The measure came following the first Hong Kong death from the virus on Tuesday. Globally, the number of fatalities skyrocketed from 67 to 492 from Tuesday to Wednesday with all but two in mainland China, as James Griffiths reported for CNN.

Doctors first began considering a strike at the beginning of February when the coronavirus had yet to claim a life in Hong Kong, yet doctors feared near-unrestricted access for mainland Chinese visitors would perpetuate and worsen the crisis. 

Hong Kong Medical Workers Unite

Benjamin So was one such doctor who prepared to strike, according to Quartz. Instead of reporting to work at Queen Mary Hospital, he quarantined himself in a hotel room after coming into contact with two patients diagnosed with the virus. At the time, Hong Kong had only 12 confirmed cases. That was only a week ago.

He took the drastic step of quarantining himself at his own expense in order to possibly prevent the spread, although such a measure seems ineffective at combating its inevitable transmission.

So was critical of Lam’s government — its lack of border controls and hospital oversight, in particular.

‘They Haven’t Had Clear Contingency Plans’

“I would say the Hospital Authority has been quite slow in responding to this outbreak and they haven’t had clear contingency plans…it shows how limited our resources are,” So said. “If a full community outbreak does happen there’s no way our medical system can deal with that.”

So was one of more than 6,500 nurses and doctors who vowed to strike if Lam’s government did not appropriately respond to the situation. Although initially Hong Kong closed six ports, it would only stop an estimated 10% of visitors from the mainland. Medical personnel would rather see all 14 ports closed, but so far, Lam refuses to take such a step, opting instead for a 2-week quarantine on arrival. On Monday, five more border crossings were shutdown, leaving three open: Hong Kong International Airport, the Shenzhen Bay joint checkpoint, and the Hong Kong-Zhuhai-Macau bridge.

The effectiveness of this strategy remains to be seen. The last time the government enforced a quarantine, it was under far different circumstances. In 2008, the quarantine was not aimed at the outbreak of a single virus, but rather a list of 45 diseases. 

Medical Strike Began Last Monday And Is Growing

The strike began on Monday with 2,700 medical workers failing to report for work on Monday, forcing delays for cancer treatments and angioplasty surgeries. The next day, 7,000 were absent. 

Winnie Yu, chairperson of the Hospital Authority Employee’s Alliance, spoke on behalf of 9,000 workers in the union. 

“There is still a chance to save Hong Kong from the destiny of turning into another Wuhan, being cut off from the world, patients turned away from fully occupied hospitals, and healthcare staff crumbling under the severe pressure,” Yu said, according to BMJ medical journal.

Yu was pessimistic about Lam’s government preventing the spread with only a partial border closure. Although medical services are being hindered by the strike, workers are likely to find support with a sympathetic general public, which overwhelmingly supports a border closure. The Hong Kong Public Opinion Research Institute found 78% of 20,000 people in favor of a full border closure and 61% stood behind striking workers.

Lam Responds To The Strike

Lam responded to allegations that politics were driving her decision making by not closing off the city. According to Al Jazeera, Lam said she “certainly would not agree with the allegation that we are not addressing this public health concern adequately. Certainly, I do not agree with the allegation that we are putting politics above public health.”

Furthermore, Lam made clear her position that her government cannot restrict visitors based on their race, saying “we have to treat them all equally.”

The crisis and standoff between doctors and the Hong Kong government is another battle of Lam versus the public. If her willingness to hold out on the Chinese extradition strikes is any indication, Lam will continue to do all she can to have her way, no matter the costs. This time, however, the consequences could be far more severe.

L'articolo Hong Kong Doctors Strike As Coronavirus Spreads proviene da InsideOver.

US National Security Adviser Robert O’Brien recently expressed his confidence that America and China can end their 16-month trade war by the end of the year, but he said the situation in Hong Kong could be an obstacle to signing a trade agreement. The escalating violence and protests in the former British colony begs the question as to whether US President Donald Trump has got his priorities right in protecting the island from Chinese oppression whilst many factories in the rust-belt states he needs to win in 2020 to continue to be affected by his trade policies.

The Chinese Government has responded to the new Hong Kong Human Rights and Democratic Act (HKHRDA) by suspending US warship visits and they have sanctioned several American non-government organisations. This act requires the US President to annually review the city’s favourable trade status and threatens to revoke it if the semi-autonomous territory’s liberties are curtailed. Michael Raska, a security researcher at Singapore’s Nanyang Technological University, told the AFP news agency it sends a signal that US-China tensions will continue to deepen.

Instead of protecting Hong Kong, the HKHRDA could hurt the Chinese territory’s economic prospects and businesses that operate there. Because of its special status, Hong Kong is exempt from certain tariffs that the US has applied to China. But the revocation has to come from Trump through an executive order, or Congress, via the United States-Hong Kong Policy Act of 1992, which clarifies Washington’s special treatment of the city.

Analysts in Washington said the law is unlikely to go so far as to revoke the city’s special status, given the economic stake the US has in Hong Kong. Over 85,000 American citizens live there, and nearly 1,400 American businesses operate there. The US trade surplus in Hong Kong was worth $32.6 billion in 2017. Washington’s economic stakes in the former British colony are significant.

As the Brookings Institute argues, America has a powerful incentive to support attempts to preserve Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy. The use of violence by either side thwarts American interests. Beijing is under pressure to allow Hong Kong’s citizens to exercise their political freedoms peacefully, which is why tighter political controls will be counter-productive if the Chinese Government is serious about quelling these protests.

The US is right to defend American values against China. No matter what Washington does, the Chinese Government will accuse them of interference either way. But considering America protects the right to free speech and peaceful political protest, the world’s largest democracy has a duty to defend countries where these rights are being prohibited.

Equally, this situation needs to be resolved quickly before the trade war continues to damage America’s manufacturing base. According to the ISM’s index of US manufacturing, industrial activity in many of the rust-belt states Trump needs to win in 2020 has stagnated for the past three months. In Michigan, where the President prevailed over Hillary Clinton by 10,704 votes, manufacturing jobs dropped by 4.2 per cent in October. The Financial Times suggests the escalating US-China trade war is one of the key reasons for this.

Furthermore, employment levels in primary metals production made solid gains last year, but have fallen this year.

US Steel itself made a $700 million investment in an Arkansas steel plant that is more technologically advanced than its existing facilities, but analysts say the sector’s difficulties are apparent.

It is Trump’s responsibility to resolve the situation in Hong Kong quickly. The US must protect territories whose freedoms are being prohibited. A quick resolution to this crisis will result in Beijing and Washington being able to conclude a trade deal. But the President should hope this situation does not linger into 2020 because if it does, it could hurt his support in many of the key states he needs to win again next year.

L'articolo Has Trump Got his Priorities Right With a US-China Trade Deal? proviene da InsideOver.

In an expansive press conference focused mostly on China, United States Secretary of State Mike Pompeo unequivocally came down on the side of protestors spanning the globe. His Nov. 26 press conference was unusual as it had an overarching theme, which Pompeo used to connect China, Iran and Egypt to human rights abuses in addition to targeting Cuba for evading sanctions on Venezuela. The event was also irregular as Pompeo is more known for brushing shoulders with world leaders in between the occasional five-minute sit-down with American cable news channels. 

However, he delivered a press conference designed to strike chords of harmony for Republicans and Democrats alike, a move which may have been designed to boost Pompeo’s popularity ahead of a possible 2020 senatorial campaign. The press event had another effect as well – to distance himself from a sinking ship. Pompeo is a West Wing mainstay, an ardent Trump loyalist who refuses to exit the revolving door of cabinet members as countless others have done before him. Pompeo, determined to stand beside the captain of that ship – US President Donald Trump – until it either sinks or reaches port. However, by fleshing out a platform of his own, a set of ideas which he can claim to have developed, or at least spoken of, Pompeo can gain some breathing room before the impeachment hearings swallow him whole.

Human Rights: G.O.P. Edition

In July, Pompeo revealed the creation of the Commission on Unalienable Rights. Judging it solely by the name, an observer might wrongly conclude this commission would either have a role in securing the liberties of repressed groups or defending the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights. As with most positions Washington has assumed under Trump’s leadership, human rights have gone too far. 

“…After the Cold War ended, many human-rights advocates turned their energy to new categories of rights. These rights often sound noble and just…they blur the distinction between unalienable rights and ad hoc rights,” Pompeo said when he announced the commission. 

It quickly became obvious that Pompeo’s new pet project would be more of an anti-human rights commission designed to target gender freedom groups and pro-choice advocacy networks. Several members of the commission have even spoken in favor of states who are known to have violated human rights.

Little has come from the commission so far, but it faced criticism from liberals in the US Congress. Moreover, it prompted observers to openly question why the Trump administration – or Pompeo himself – chose to focus on curtailing rights instead of applying international pressure to expand them in repressive states. Pompeo did highlight Cuba and Iran, but those nations have been Washington favorites to bully since US President Barack Obama left office. 

In a bizarre event, the commission was not referenced at Pompeo’s Nov. 26 press conference. If the commission is specifically designed to protect “unalienable rights,” where was it when Pompeo shamed China, Iran, and Egypt? Is that not the mission of the commission? 

One Thing Right

“We have human rights standards that we apply all across the world, and Hong Kong is no different,” Mr Pompeo said. A day later, Trump signed the Hong Kong Human Rights Democracy Act into law. The administration’s policy on China has been consistent from the beginning, although, ever the reality TV show host, Trump refused to publicly announce his intention to sign it until the event happened, drumming up both suspense and animosity from Beijing.

Pompeo’s words for China were easier for him to let loose after his boss made Washington’s position an official stance against the regime of Chinese President Xi Jinping. Although the recently-signed law is focused on mainland China’s interference in Hong Kong, Pompeo also condemned Beijing’s genocide against Uighur Muslims in the Xinjiang region, labelling them as “draconian policies that have terrorized its citizens.” 

By attacking Beijing from behind the podium, Pompeo went all-in on a position that both sides of the aisle are in full agreement on: that something must be done about China. It was neither a hard nor bold decision for him, but it was refreshing for the man who created a human rights commission to defend them.

Familiar Faces

Pompeo’s criticisms of Iran and Egypt were a bit murkier. First, he took Iran to task regarding the recent protests. Pompeo claimed his office received 20,000 individual pieces of first-hand evidence of Tehran’s human rights abuses. Pompeo had tweeted in both English and translated Arabic asking for media to be sent to the State Department. 

“The United States hears you, we support you, and we will continue to stand with you,” Pompeo said. “We will continue to sanction Iranian officials who are responsible for these human rights abuses.” 

Pompeo’s continued focus on Iran keeps the fire stoked on what could be a platform issue for both Trump and Pompeo if he decides to run in 2020. Republicans favor increased pressure against Tehran and it is one issue that both Trump and his protege could claim to have accomplished from the 2016 campaign. When running for office, Trump vowed to roll back the Iranian nuclear deal forged by his predecessor and Pompeo joined his team fairly quickly. Pompeo’s involvement against Iran would resonate well with potential voters in his home state of Kansas, a bastion of Republican ideology. 

Turning to Egypt, Pompeo asked Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi to release journalists arrested after authorities raided the office of news website Mada Masr. His call upon Cairo was the most interesting tenant of Pompeo’s press conference because it seemed small compared to protests in China and Iran. Egypt is also not a key an issue with US voters so Pompeo might have been sincere in his request. 

However, the request signaled that Trump already asked Sisi to release the prisoners. Trump and Sisi share one of the closest relationships between any two world leaders. Sisi was the first foreign leader to congratulate Trump on his election victory. For his part, Trump broke with Obama in inviting Sisi to the White House. At the G7 Summit in September, Trump called for Sisi asking, “Where’s my favorite dictator?”

If Trump wanted Sisi to release prisoners, he would have asked himself and he probably did, hence Pompeo’s public appeal to the Egyptian leader.

The time for Pompeo to busy himself with actual work that both parties can agree on is now. His involvement in the Ukraine scandal has become murkier and he will undoubtedly be called as a witness in the looming impeachment hearing this month. His avoidance of mentioning the human rights commission he created a mere 5 months ago indicates a deliberate positioning of human rights – the actual support of them, not whatever his commission is doing – as a platform pillar for a senatorial run in 2020. 

L'articolo Pompeo Focuses on Human Rights to Boost Electability proviene da InsideOver.

What started in March as a weekend rally, was, by June, a movement one million strong. The first mass march that month was peaceful; a follow-up three days later was anything but. As projectiles rained down on police officers, they responded with tear gas and rubber bullets. In July, masked protesters stormed the parliament, graffitiing walls and defacing regional emblems. A month later, the airport was overrun. As Hong Kong’s apparent defence of democracy has intensified, so too has Beijing’s concerns of contagion. But now in its sixth month, there’s little sign of the unrest spreading beyond city limits.

The touchpaper, a bill permitting the prosecution of Hongkongers in mainland courts, was dropped as protests escalated – but civil strife has continued to spiral. The movement’s demands now include the removal of Hong Kong chief executive Carrie Lam, who endorsed the unpopular legislation, and an independent investigation into alleged police brutality. There is little doubt of officers’ heavy-handedness, but the protesters’ conduct has been questioned too – arson, assault, and the rampant destruction of property have all occurred.

While the violence has transfixed global audiences, it’s hard to gauge its resonance in mainland China. Citizens are fed news through the filters of Beijing, whose grip on the media is absolute. The protest’s chaotic fringes have been focused on, portraying the movement as a violent, anarchic insurrection. The spectre of terrorism has also be invoked, analysts say. A certain apathy pervades the population too, experts believe, with many mainlanders unwilling to reject state spin in search of the truth.

“[Chinese citizens] probably are not going to get full information, and to be honest they are probably not that interested in digging it out,” says Anthony Saich, a China expert at Harvard University. “It’s not a life-or-death, make-or-break issue for the middle class in mainland China. And I think many of them have bought into the Communist Party’s narrative that ‘without us, there will be chaos’”.

China-based foreign journalists, unrestricted by state censors, have held the line of impartiality. But accessing their coverage, even digitally, is difficult. While there is evidence of users evading Beijing’s ‘Great Firewall’, posts are often promptly removed, or – perhaps worse – rubbished by government affiliates. In August, Twitter closed a series of accounts involved in what it called an attempt to “sow political discord in Hong Kong”.        

But Beijing’s grip on the narrative hasn’t entirely assuaged fears of the protest spreading. Last month, China’s public-security minister visited Guangdong, the nation’s most populous province and Hong Kong’s northerly neighbour. Inspecting local police forces, he urged officers to “resolutely defend the great southern gate of China’s political security” by tackling “all kinds of infiltration, sabotage and subversion”.

If the Hongkongers’ movement was to cross borders, Guangdong would be a logical starting point. Proximity aside, the two enjoy a shared culture, language, and history (many in the city-state are Guangdong refugees or their descendants). The region has a taste for rebellion, too. In 2011, residents of a village named Wukan rose up against state officials, expelling them on grounds of corruption. A police siege eventually brought the locals to heel, but not before a demonstrator was killed. Last year, a workers’ protest in the province was similarly suppressed.           

The authorities are equally uncompromising in Hunan, a region just north of Guangdong. When Chen Siming, a 58-year-old local activist, shared a picture of himself covering one eye – a sign of solidarity with beleaguered Hongkongers – he was soon summoned to a nearby police station. “The taste of jail is unpleasant,” Chen was reportedly told, as officers threatened to lock him up and terrorise his family. It’s just one incident in a “battle” being fought throughout China, observers say. 

“The government’s battle for Hong Kong is also being fought in mainland cities. The Chinese government is working overtime to threaten and detain mainlanders from sharing and commenting on the protests in Hong Kong for fear of what it may spark back home,” said Frances Eve, a member of the Chinese Human Rights Defenders (CHRD) group.

While it’s clear that many in mainland China support the Hongkongers’ protest – with some even venturing into the city to participate – Beijing is prevailing in its containment efforts. With control of the airwaves, it can peddle a narrative that unfairly skews the demonstrators’ demands and exaggerates their violence. But the protesters must bear some blame for their tarnished image – trashed buildings and burning cars reflect poorly on their democratic cause. 

Still, Hong Kong is a breeding ground of liberalism, a point not lost on China’s leadership. Like all repressive regimes, they fear reform and the forces fighting for it. As long as the risk of contagion persists, so too will Beijing’s heavy hand.    

L'articolo Will Hong Kong’s Protests Spread To Mainland China? proviene da InsideOver.

Hong Kong’s government showed its first signs of cracking on Tuesday when Chief Executive Carrie Lam withdrew the controversial extradition bill. Yet even though she removed the legislation which sparked several months of protests, the action is unlikely to quell the opposition which had previously adopted a list of five demands. 

Blinking

Now in its fourteenth week, protests have grown increasingly violent. Aside from a widely-reported incident at the Hong Kong airport where a group of protestors attacked a man whom they accused of being an undercover policeman, activists have been mostly peaceful. Hong Kong law enforcement, however, has gradually increased the severity of methods designed to suppress the protests. 

Even so, neither side has blinked until Tuesday when Lam made the announced the recension of the bill in television broadcast. 

“The government will formally withdraw the bill to fully allay public concerns,” Lam declared. “Lingering violence is damaging the very foundations of our society, especially the rule of law.”

Furthermore, Lam said she would add two more representatives to a council tasked with investigating complaints against law enforcement personnel. The oversight group is not new: it was created 20 years ago, which raises questions about why calls for investigations of police brutality have gone unanswered until Tuesday. Hong Kong police have on several occasions been recorded on video preventing emergency medical responders from reaching injured protestors, attempted to gouge an activist’s eyes, and raided a subway car, bludgeoning its occupants without mercy.

While her willingness to have the council look into these acts in addition to the tear-gassing, paint-marking, and arresting of peaceful demonstrators may seem like another concession to the five demands, it is not being viewed as such. Critically, the governing council has long been accused of bias because it is not an independent body and as seen during Lam’s televised statement, her administration has the power to choose its members. She continues to deny the right to a third-party investigation.

Lam also vowed to reach out to “people from all walks of life” while engaging the citizens of Hong Kong in civil discourse, but it is unknown how much she could gain from such talks given the firm stance of the protestors. While many international observers predicted a Beijing-led military suppression on the horizon, few believed Lam would be the first to relent. 

Unstoppable Force? 

The ancient unstoppable force paradox originated in the ancient philosophical book Han Feizi written by Chinese author Han Fei. Fei was the first to pose the question, “What happens when an unstoppable force meets an immovable object?” He termed the paradox ‘矛盾,’ pronounced as ‘máodùn’ which translates to “contradiction” or ‘spear-shield.’

It is fitting that such an enigma came from China as it perfectly encapsulates the present ordeal. For the entire summer, the protestors have essentially been spears, unstoppable forces against the government shield or immovable object. Even though Lam conceded the primary demand to remove the extradition bill in its entirety, it will not stop the immovable force nor will her government agree to the full list of requirements.

In addition to the removal of the bill, protestors call for a government order to prohibit the labelling of protests as ‘riots,’ an independent inquiry into police actions, the complete release and amnesty for arrested protestors, and democratic elections. Hong Kong citizens are unlikely to ever gain more electoral rights, especially with the city destined to return to Beijing-rule in a few decades. 

“The damage has been done. The scars and wounds are still bleeding,” said Claudia Mo a pro-democracy legislator. “She thinks she can use a garden hose to put out a hill fire. That’s not going to be acceptable.”

Another Hong Kong legislator, Eddie Chu, also supported the continuation of protests declaring, “We will change our slogan to ‘Four key demands, we will accept nothing less.’” 

Fake Sincerity?

There are concerns among some activists that if they accept Lam’s offer, her government will fiercely roll-back civil liberties as soon as protestors return to their homes. 

“Whenever there are signs of sending a palm branch, they always come with a far tighter grip on exercising civil rights,” said Joshua Wong, a student protestor. “They have conceded nothing in fact, and a full-scale clampdown is on the way.”

Lam surprised many when she agreed to the principle demand of removing the extradition bill in its entirety, pledging to never to revive it. Unfortunately for the Hong Kong and Beijing governments, the time for this concession passed long ago. Protestors now feel part of something larger than themselves, and possibly larger than the government itself. They have not grown weary, only more steadfast in their resolve. 

L'articolo Carrie Lam removes extradition bill, but why won’t protestors stop? proviene da InsideOver.