This year’s edition of the UN Climate Change Conference – COP25 – came under threat before it even began. Originally supposed to be held in Santiago, it was initially called off by the host due to the ongoing protests against the Chilean government, before being moved to Madrid on a very short notice. 

Thousands of delegates – including governments, scientists, NGOs and activists – descended to Madrid from Dec 3 onwards to finalise the rulebook of the Paris Agreement and settle all the nitty-gritty details regarding the long-term strategy against climate change once the 2020 deadline, set by the Paris Agreement, takes effect. 

During the two-week negotiations, longest in conference’s 25-year history, that concluded Sunday afternoon, around 190 countries participated and agreed to set more ambitious goals to fight climate change. 

However, the summit failed to see any breakthroughs in terms of clear-cut commitments as major irritants, such as the technicalities of Article 6 – that governs the international carbon markets – couldn’t be resolved and were carried forward to the next meeting of the UN climate process in Bonn in 2020. 

UN Secretary-General wasn’t happy with how things transpired at COP25 and remarked: “I am disappointed with the results of COP25. The international community lost an important opportunity to show increased ambition on mitigation, adaptation and finance to tackle the climate crisis.”

While not many were expecting any significant developments in terms of emission targets at COP25, it was nonetheless a great opportunity to lay down a clear roadmap before 2020 kicks off, which is when all parties are to submit nationally determined contributions (NDCs) for cutting emissions as per their commitments under the Paris Agreement of 2015.

The summit witnessed a clear divide in terms of the aspirations of member states with the biggest emitters showing a lack of interest while the smaller countries taking a stronger stance. 

On the one hand were the likes of Australia, Brazil and the United States (already pulling out of the Paris Agreement next year) blocking ambitious language in the proposals, while on the other stood smaller states, particularly islands that are more vulnerable to climate change, demanding urgency. 

In fact, the Alliance of Small Island States even lashed out at India, China and Brazil for stalling progress on Article 6. This was specifically regarding the carry forward of Kyoto units (which allowed billions of units of certified emissions reductions) with India, China and Brazil contesting for its inclusion in Article 6.4 as carbon credits while the EU being against this proposal on grounds that it would lower the ambition even further. 

Much of the negotiations were eventually reduced to technicalities regarding Article 6, including the structure of carbon markets and the accounting principles to be applied in order to avoid double-counting among other issues. 

The jointly adopted text at the end recognised the “significant gap between the aggregate effect of Parties’ mitigation efforts in terms of global annual emissions of greenhouse gases by 2020 and aggregate emission pathways consistent with holding the increase in the global average temperature to well below 2 °C above pre-industrial levels and pursuing efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5 °C above pre-industrial levels.”

It further mentions the commitment of developed countries to mobilise $100 billion a year by 2020 to help address the needs of developing nations. 

But negotiations on the wider climate finance issue, that deals with access to funds for cutting emissions for developing countries saw major disagreements as the parties concerned wanted a broader interpretation that also covered loss and damages. Eventually, an agreement was reached to form an expert panel to consider aid for loss and damages along with “Santiago network” for facilitating technical support. 

The topic of common metrics, which deals with the reporting and conversion of non-CO2 emissions onto C02 equivalent. At the heart of the issue was methane and the countries that produce it great amounts: namely Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay. These three were unable to convince the rest to report conversions using their preferred unit but managed to secure this option as complementing the benchmark. 

Meanwhile, the growing disconnect between the policymakers and the wider population was witnessed when hundreds of thousands of angry protestors gathered in Madrid to demand more urgency in action.  

All wasn’t that gloomy though as the conference saw the unveiling of a five-year gender action plan for supporting the “implementation of gender-related decisions and mandates in the UNFCCC processes.”

While not exactly occurring in Madrid, another glimpse of hope came during the course of the conference from Brussels when the European Commission revealed a European Green Deal, that plans to commit at least 25% of the union’s long-term budget towards climate action while raising its NDC target for 2030. 

The countries will now meet in Bonn the coming June for an inter-sessional meeting but the key issues will have to addressed in Glasgow, which will host COP26 in November. Experts have their eyes fixed on EU-China talks in Leipzig since the bulk of the responsibility falls on them now with the US out of the equation.

L'articolo UN Climate Talks End in a Stalemate proviene da InsideOver.

Protests across the globe are growing at a worrisome rate. The right to fight for your beliefs and rights has now become a turning point worldwide where the ordinary citizen is eager to get what it deserves. Protests in Hong Kong have wreaked havoc. Lebanon has also seen its fair share of demonstrations over the course of the last few weeks. Catalonians are forcing the Spanish government to give in to their demands. Where some protests may focus on the removal of the government for its policies, in other places, protests have poured in due to economic collapses. At this point in time, we are seeing enraged citizens crying, fighting and even dying for what they believe in. Lebanon and Iraq are seeing locals pour onto the streets due to the government’s failure to provide them with basic services and they’re all demanding the removal of the political elite. Broken promises, ineffective policies and a future with no success in sight will only result in the outburst of anger unless concrete changes are made.

Turning our focus from the Asian continent, thousands of kilometres away in South America, a similar picture is being painted. Violent demonstrations in Bolivia, Chile and Ecuador have forced international observers to highlight what the problems are. Whenever protests arise, there are many things that need to be discussed. There’s always an underlying issue which is the root of the problem. At times, it may be the government taking certain decisions that may collide with the interests of its people. Sometimes, external factors may also play a huge role. However, the main idea is the lack of facilitation on part of the government. The South American continent has seen just that.

In Bolivia, where President Evo Morales successfully ruled for three terms, saw the end of his rule after weeks-long protests. Morales thought he could get the better of his people but his rush towards securing a fourth term ended in misery after he bowed down to military pressure. What Morales did was try to cover up an election which had failed. He claimed victory before the election could go to a second-round runoff. Morales, the country’s first indigenous President can be credited with bringing more representation to his people, unfolding an economic boom for the country and curbing inflation. We must agree that he brought a change in the living standards of many Bolivians but what really brought the nation to the edge started in 2016. The president at the time tried to abolish presidential limits which signalled his move towards authoritarianism. Morales’ opposition right-wing Carlos Mela asked supporters to take to the streets to deny Morales victory and thus protests began where at least three people were killed and hundreds others injured. In Bolivia, people stood up to make sure they were guaranteed the necessary changes.

Moving to Chile, a country famous for its natural resources, especially copper. It all began when the government decided to increase the fares of public transportation. This initiated a violent order of protests on October 18, where thousands stepped on the streets to not only ask the government to repeal the changes but to also demand for better social services. Chileans are demanding better education, the reduction in income inequality and access to better healthcare. Protesters in the country say that the neoliberal economic model gives more priority to the rich who are able to afford better private education and healthcare, leaving the poor at the edge of crisis. The protests also forced the cancellation of two major international summits which came as a huge blow to the country which has not seen such protests in a long time. They are now asking for the replacement of a constitutional charter which was penned by dictator Pinochet in 1980. This would enable the privatization of many basic utilities which Chileans believe would reduce the disparity between the rich and the poor.

In Ecuador, the lifting of state fuel subsidies prompted violent reaction from the masses. President Moreno, after seeing the anger that fueled within the hearts of protesters, declared an emergency to ensure things would work appropriately. Ecuador has also seen its fair share of disparities and this time what surfaced was the one between the rural areas and cities. The indigenous group CONAIE and its leaders have also given the government an ultimatum to accept their demands which they have been trying to accomplish for a very long time.

The problems in South America, which continue to grow whether they revolve around the economy or the improvement of basic living standards, are those which will take a long time to quell. If leaders decide authoritative measures aren’t a good idea and listening to the citizens is a better choice, not only the economy, the potential future of these states will also be secured.

L'articolo Failure of the Neo-Liberal Economic Model in South America proviene da InsideOver.

Chilean lawmakers have agreed to hold a referendum in April 2020 to scrap the General Augusto Pinochet-era constitution, aimed at reducing inequality problems that have sparked nationwide protests for more than a month.

The country’s parliament members signed a two-page document titled “The Agreement For Peace and A New Constitution” after a long-hour debate. The deal calls for a commitment to creating peace and public order following mass rallies that have turned violent and killed around 20 people.

Why are Chileans taking to the streets?

The increase in subway fare has sparked nationwide rallies since early October in the country once ruled by the military regime. Protesters argued that the public transport fare hike has deepened inequality despite Chile’s robust growth.

On October 26, around one million Chileans took to the street in the capital Santiago, demanding economic reform. This rally was considered the largest after the end of the Pinochet regime in 1990.

Chilean President Sebastian Pinera responded by replacing most of his cabinet members. The leader has reshuffled his cabinet twice in the last 15 months. However, such a move did not satisfy Chileans as they wanted the billionaire president to resign from his post.

The 69-year-old president refused to step down, arguing that he was democratically elected. He vowed to take responsibility for the country’s deep inequality, though he claimed he was not the only one to take the blame.

In early November, rallies turned violent when protesters looted the Rome Catholic church and burnt a campus building, Deutsche Welle reported.

Inequality due to neoliberalism economy

A free-market economy that cuts subsidies and privatizes pension (inherited by the Pinochet regime) also angers Chileans. The privatized pension system in Chile has forced Chileans to work hard past their retirement age due to the high payments. The recent poll showed that 50 per cent of Chileans say pension reform is the most urgent issue that needs the government’s handling.

Despite being one of the most prosperous Latin countries, Chile has the highest inequality level among the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development(OECD) member countries.

Chile’s income gap is 65 per cent higher than the OECD average.

 According to a 2018 government research, as quoted by Reuters, the income of the wealthiest in Chile was 13.5 per cent higher than the country’s poorest.

The image of Pinera eating pizza in an expensive restaurant on the first night of chaos enraged Chileans, regardless of their social classes. Most Chileans are aware of the situation and watching that the government is doing little to narrow the income gap, making Chileans more demanding than people in other countries.

“In Chile’s case, the state is doing nothing in terms of redistribution or to diminish differences in people’s incomes.

“What ends up happening is that people get fed up. Chile has a population that is increasingly educated, that is increasingly aware of the things that are happening, so I think it becomes more difficult to pull the wool over their eyes,” Rodrigo Pérez, a professor of development economics at Santiago’s Universidad Mayor, told Reuters.

Therefore, Chileans want the constitution to be written from scratch. However, the next question lingers.

Will the new constitution end Chileans’ inequality problem?

According to Cesar Valencia, market analyst at Alpari in Santiago, Chile, there is still a debate on whether the new constitution is necessary to end inequality problems.

“That is the great debate we have these days because those who support a new constitution are convinced that it will solve the problems of inequality in our society, because social rights will be incorporated into the new Magna Carta. So the state must make every effort to guarantee society the necessary means to reduce this gap and improve the quality of life of all Chileans regardless of their status,” Valencia told Insideover

On the other hand, those who oppose the constitutional overhaul and want to maintain the constitution of 1980 say that to improve education, pensions, health, end corruption, etc. A new rule is not necessary, but rather to advance laws that aim to end these problems and thus improve the quality of life of Chilean society, “Valencia added.

The Pinochet-era law applies free-market reform, which shifts the state’s responsibility for providing social services to the private entity. However, there is a growing concern from those opposing a new constitution that the welfare system will create a situation like in Bolivia and Venezuela, where a person is eager to stay in power. Still, the fiscal expenditure will increase the state debt, as Valencia explained.

Former president Ricardo Lagos revised the constitution in 2005 by including the state’s recognition of indigenous groups. However, such a change is not seen as the most radical one given the 1980 Pinochet-era rule was still used as the base, Valencia said.

“What is clear is that I have already begun the constitutional process, and there is no going back. Regarding whether or not this will end the inequalities denounced by the population, only time will tell, that is why we are looking to encourage people to vote and thus have the highest possible representation in the new cycle that begins from Chilean society,” Valencia closed the interview session.

L'articolo Chile To Replace Military Regime-Era Constitution proviene da InsideOver.

Protestors in Chile sores a victory after President Sebastian Pinera conceded to their demand for a new constitution. After Pinera announced the reversal of his previous position, the Chilean Parliament held a vote on the idea, approving it. 

Historic 

“This a historic night for Chile,” said Jaime Quintana, senate president, on Friday. ‘Historic’ is not an understatement considering the nation’s history as it represents the final shedding of General Augusto Pinochet’s memory. Under his rule, Chile transitioned from a dictatorship to a constitution, albeit one carefully crafted to keep all power centralized in the office of the president. 

The new constitution will allow for a “peaceful and democratic exit” to the current turmoil, said Quintana. According to him, the new legal foundation will be fully democratic. The road to drafting a new constitution will involve citizens as much as their government leaders. Initially, the government planned to create it through Parliament, but that idea was soundly rejected by demonstrators. Instead, the parties agreed to a 12-point Agreement for Social Peace and New Constitution. 

Accord to the outline, a vote will be called in April for the people to decide whether to create a new constitution. That vote is likely to pass as recent polling showed 80 percent of Chileans are in favor of such an endeavor. The vote will also ask Chileans how they would prefer the constitution to be written: by a mixed constitutional convention or a general constitutional convention. 

Process

According to the 12-point plan, a mixed convention will be comprised of equal parts elected convention members and current members of parliament. The method would give more power to the current government for shaping the new constitution. However, if a constitutional convention is selected, elected officials may be shut out of the process entirely. The constitutional assembly will choose representatives for the convention during the October 2020 regional and minimal elections. 

If current elected officials opt to run as representatives for the assembly, they will relinquish their posts and will be prohibited from running for office for one year after the assembly concludes. Citizens will also have power over approving the norms and voting rules for the convention. Once a constitution is drafted, it will become legal immediately. 

The path to forming a new constitution will not be quick; the assembly will have 9 months to reach an agreement. This can be extended for a maximum 3 months and a vote must be called within 60 days of its conclusion. 

Protest End

The announcement of a new constitution initiative could help reduce protests which began after a subway fare hike, the second this year. The demonstrations have claimed the lives of 20 activists and have gradually grown more violent. The subway rate hike was emblematic of larger economic issues. 

Although the nation is considered one of the most economically-stable in Latin America, protestors argue the system gives preference to the wealthy. Social services and natural resources are heavily privatized creating a quality of life gap between income levels. Low wages and pensions have added to the frustrations and given more reasons for demonstrators to take to the streets in protest. 

“Chile is a country that generates wealth. Distribution does not reach the majority,” said Eduardo Rojas, a dockworker union leader in Antofagasta, Chile. “The people have risen up.”

The government’s efforts to satisfy protestors proved ineffective as they held out for a new constitution, an idea that Pinera refused until last week. 

Economic Toll

On Nov. 12, Chile’s finance minister issued a dire warning on the effects of the protests. The peso is now at an all-time low against the dollar after falling 4 percent. 

“The peaceful marches have made their point and that message is reflected in the measures that the government and the opposition have taken,” said Ignacio Briones. “All our actions have consequences and they are having grave consequences that are now being seen in the economy and particularly on entrepreneurs and in the most vulnerable sectors.”

Briones declared the protests could cost Chile 300,000 jobs and will definitely cause fuel prices to increase. He also estimated that damage to state property including subways could total $3 billion.

Now in their fifth week, protests might finally calm down if demonstrators are satisfied with the concession of a new constitution. For both the government and economy, activism has wrecked havoc and even imperiled the lives of citizens. While a new condition will take over a year to create, Pinera’s willingness to make it a reality is one of the only positive signs to come from the turmoil.

L'articolo Chilean Protestors Score Right to New Constitution proviene da InsideOver.

For many economists and political commentators, Latin America was the utopia in the mid-2000s when the region was experiencing unprecedented growth and democracy seemed to have more or less consolidated in several countries. 

From Brazil – which saw its aggregate GDP grow by a multiple of over five to $2.616 trillion in 2011, from $508 billion in 2002 – to Venezuela that was cheerfully raking in hundreds of billions of dollars through oil exports, Latin America appeared to be the model continent on a first glance, at least economy-wise, for much of the 2000s and early 2010s as well. 

But cracks began to appear, especially over the past month or so, as the region saw protests erupting almost all across. Be it the socialist Bolivia under Evo Morales or the neoliberal Chile under Harvard-educated economist Sebastián Piñera, hardly anyone has been spared from the wave of angry citizens. 

What started as a brief trailer in Argentina against the food crisis this September eventually transformed into a full movie in other parts of the continent. In Ecuador, it was the government rolling back fuel subsidies as part of fiscal consolidation measures under the International Monetary Fund programme that brought people to the streets. This first forced President Moreno to flee the capital, Quito, before finally withdrawing from the multilateral bailout and restoring old prices. 

Similarly, Chile – often hailed as the free-market oasis in the desert of a socialistic continent – saw huge demonstrations, killing 20 people as per last count, after the government raised the subway fares in the capital by 30 pesos. The president, in response, initially declared a state of emergency and imposed curfew which agitated the public more, thus forcing him to adopt a more reconciliatory tone that has since seen a cabinet reshuffle. He has also promised to put in place social reforms including an increase in minimum wage and state pensions. 

Meanwhile, questions over the fairness of elections in Bolivia, which saw incumbent president winning yet another term, was the main cause behind the agitation. Other regional countries urged for an audit which was agreed upon, with a 30-member Organisation of American States delegation expected to do the review.  

From stability to chaos

The journey from rising living standards and an emerging middle class to being done with their respective governments hasn’t been as drastic as one would imagine even though some have been quick to blame Venezuela’s infamous Nicolas Maduro for exporting this unrest across the borders. The seeds of discontent were sown long ago and have just gotten ripe. 

As the fruits of the post-commodity boom – which saw economic growth thanks to significant investments – became scarcer, the region started showing early signs of a slowdown. Consequently, average per capita income in South America has fallen from $11,170 in 2011 to current levels of $8,160. 

A major chunk of this decrease has been led by Brazil where GDP in current dollar terms has contracted to $1.87 trillion. Likewise, Argentina – the second biggest country – witnessed growth rates alternating between negative and positive 2.5%, both leading to unpredictable developments in their respective elections.

However, an economy stumbling on aggregate basis doesn’t explain the case of individual countries well enough. After all, Bolivia is currently growing at 3.9% and Chile at 2.5%, which is not half bad in the backdrop of global recessionary fears. 

Considering two of the three protests had to do with price increases, one is naturally inclined to immediately seek the cause in inflation, but the data show that there has been a downward trend in consumer prices across the three states. 

Part of the explanation also lies in the growing inequality, an area in which the continent already fares the worst. The Gini coefficient for Latin America and Carribean countries was at 44.06 in 2015 – higher than other grouping – with Chile leading the charts consistently as it outperformed the regional average by 3.64 points. 

Some argue that this doesn’t go far enough, since all three countries have successfully reduced income inequality over the past decade, raising questions if this is the right place to look into. But citizens’ opinions are not perfectly aligned with data and just the perception of inequality is enough to cause unrest, and that seems to be the case as well. 

Any disaggregated analysis of different indicators is based on the assumption that individual parts combined must add to their sum, but the public sentiments work quite differently. Take Chile for example, where disenchantment over the country’s hardcore neoliberal policies had been brewing for a while. Its listed corporations had been doing well for several years while youth unemployment rates touched close to 19%, creating winners and losers of the system. Hence the increase in fares was the boiling point which took people out and as history tells us, the streets have no leader, but faceless voices. 

L'articolo Down With the System: Latin Americans Take to the Streets proviene da InsideOver.

As authorities struggled to placate protests that have erupted in Chile, President Pinera has declared a state of emergency in Santiago – the capital city. It has been reported that 11 people have since been killed amidst the ensuing violence. The discord began initially after the increase of a (now suspended) metro fare, but has since spread to reflect the anger about other costs of living and inequalities between the rich and poor.

As arson and looting got out of control, police used tear gas and water cannons to implement order, with curfews being issued in the major cities. The 15-day-state of emergency will aim to restrict freedom of movement.

It is the first time since 1990, during Augusto Pinochet’s dictatorship, that troops were deployed to the streets.

The root of the protests

Compared to others in the region, the South American nation has one of the highest per capita income at $20,000, with an expected growth of 2.5 per cent this year. Yet, despite being one of Latin America’s more wealthy countries, there is a great disparity between the working class and the elite in Chile.

The unrest was sparked because of an increase in metro fares from 800 pesos to 830 pesos ($1.13 to $1.17) for peak-time travel, after an already 20-peso hike back in January.

This, along with the rising costs of living and the privatisation of education and healthcare – which affects the marginalised poorer population the most – thousands took to the street to vent their anger.

“This is not a simple protest over the rise of metro fares, this is an outpouring for years of oppression that have hit mainly the poorest,” Karina Sepulveda, an anthropology student, told Reuters at a protest in Santiago.

“The illusion of the model Chile is over. Low wages, lack of healthcare and bad pensions have made people tired.” 

The violence that unfolded

On Sunday, the burnt bodies of five people were found in a garment factory on the outskirts of Santiago, which had been set on fire by demonstrators. Two women also died after another store, which was owned by Walmart, was purposely set ablaze in the riots. Another victim succumbed to her injuries after sustaining 75% burns on her body.

Interior and Security Minister Andres Chadwick told a press conference in the capital Santiago that the decision to extend the emergency measure came amid an “escalation of violence and vandalism,” two weeks after protests led by students began over fare hikes on public transport.

He cited 70 incidents of “serious incidents of violence” on Sunday, including 40 lootings of supermarkets and other businesses, and said military and police numbers were at 10,500 in Santiago and would be reinforced where necessary. He also added that over 1,400 arrests has been made.

“We are facing a real escalation that is undoubtedly organised to cause serious damage to our country and the lives of each of its citizens,” he said.

Throughout Sunday, buses, subway stations, supermarkets, and various buildings continued to be set on fire as rioters clashed with the police. By nightfall, curfews had been imposed on the cities of Santiago, Valparaíso, Coquimbo and Biobío, while a state of emergency was applied to Antofagasta, Valparaíso, Valdivia, Chillán, Talca, Temuco and Punta Arenas.

President Pinera’s response

President Pinera told the nation in a televised address, “Democracy not only has the right, it has the obligation to defend itself using all the instruments that democracy itself provides, and the rule of law to combat those who want to destroy it.

“We are at war against a powerful enemy, who is willing to use violence without any limits.”

BBC News Online Latin America editor, Vanessa Buschschlüter, believed that his response might simply add fuel to the already dangerously burning flames. She said that while some of the footage of violent clashes between the security forces and protesters do resemble those coming out of a war zone, other reactions to Piñera’s description has been scathing with opposition politicians calling it “pathetic” and “irresponsible”.

“More important is the effect those words have had on the protesters. If they already felt ignored by the government, President Piñera labelling them as criminals in their eyes proves how little he cares about their concerns,” she told the BBC.

“With the protest movement gaining momentum while still lacking clear leaders and Mr Piñera’s language further stoking the flames, the chance of any meaningful dialogue seems to slip further away.”

L'articolo Chile: State Of Emergency proviene da InsideOver.

In the courtyard of her home in Valparaiso, Chile, Dominga Mondaca pointed to the barren land where the water once irrigated strawberry and citrus plantations. She is one of over 600,000 people who need to be supplied with water since the country has been hit by the worst drought in 60 years.

“We had very little water for many years, but this year was the worst. It didn’t rain at all,” Dominga told FreshPlaza.

According to the Agriculture Ministry, around 106,000 animals have died due to lack of water and fodder, and about 37,000 farmers are now at risk. Photos of the area show parched and drylands where riverbeds previously ran; what used to be lush vegetation is now nothing more than rust-coloured fields.

Emergency measures

It has been estimated that around 76% of the population in Chile has been hit by the ongoing mega-drought, which led the government to declare an agricultural emergency in various regions. Part of the move meant that aid has been offered to farmers and those affected, which includes the provision of drinking water, building wells, improving irrigation, and medicine for animals.

Diálogo Chino reported that US$63 million has been allocated by the government for a series of these emergency measures, which today only reaches 40% of the country’s territory. Water companies have committed investments of more than US $5 billion for infrastructure improvements since pipes are said to be responsible for the loss of almost 35% of urban drinking water.

Furthermore, as part of their long-term plans, the government also intends to invest $6 billion to build 26 new reservoirs. This poses a dilemma that does not provide immediate relief, however, since such ventures took around 25 years for completion in the past.

Are avocados to blame for the drought?

In stark contrast, despite the arid landscapes, avocado plants remain lush, green, and abundant. Mass farming of the latest trendy staple has been partly blamed for the recent water shortage; thousands of hectares of the plant have continued to flourish through the drought.

According to the Water Footprint Network, avocados require 2,000 litres of water to yield just one kilogram – which is essentially just two medium-sized avocados. That is ten times the amount needed by tomatoes and four times the amount for oranges. With the insatiable and growing international demand for avocados, Chile has become one of its biggest exporters.

QZ reported that the UK’s imports of avocados more than doubled between 2013 and 2017, while European imports of Chilean avocados rose 300% between 2012 and 2017. Chile exported almost 224,000 metric tons of avocados to the world in 2017, with Europe being the biggest importer of about 60% of that total, which amounts to some 134,000 metric tons.

Additionally, it is believed that numerous avocado farms install well and pipes to divert water from nearby rivers to keep their crops hydrated. Consequentially, it has put a strain on the water supply and in the past, many villagers have been forced to either use contaminated water or go without.

The Dirección General de Aguas, Chile’s water authority, published its findings from an investigation, which revealed at least 65 illegal underground channels siphoned water from rivers to avocado plantations. The inquiry resulted in some senior businessmen and politicians being convicted of the illegal theft of water.

Avocado exports continue to boom

The avocado industry in Chile, however, is continuing to do business as normal. Last week, the Chilean Avocado Importers Association announced its plans for the second year of partnership with pro golfer Joaquin Niemann. At 20-years old, Nieman is the first PGA Tour winner from Chile, as well as the youngest international winner since 1923. It has been reported that Niemann will be the official brand ambassador for Avocados from Chile and will be involved in the social media and advertising aspects of the brand.

In a statement, Karen Brux, managing director for the Chilean Avocado Importers Association, said “In our marketing approach from Avocados from Chile, we strive to share the unique qualities of Chile that contribute to the supply of consistently great avocados, and we can’t think of a more authentic way to showcase the country than partnering with Joaquin.”

L'articolo Are Avocados Responsible For Chile’s Worsening Drought? proviene da InsideOver.