September 21, 2020 marked the 75^th anniversary of the United Nations Organization, with leaders from all over the world taking the opportunity to celebrate the occasion mainly through recorded messages, as the COVID-19 pandemic is still raging worldwide.

The Signing of the UN Charter in 1945

The signing of the UN Charter in San Francisco in 1945 saw the world coming out of the Second World War with great resolve for a fresh start. A series of significant developments have occurred during these 75 years, with the United Nations having contributed to the end of colonialism, the universal declaration of human rights, mediation and peacekeeping missions in conflict areas across the globe, aid programs for developing countries and more recently the fight against climate change. The UN also managed to prevent a direct superpower conflict between the United States and the USSR during the Cold War despite the arms race and numerous regional conflicts.

The UN’s Many Accomplishments

Another major UN accomplishment was the adoption of the Millennium Development Goals in 2000, which were succeeded by the Sustainable Development Goals in 2015. The latter cover a wide range of issues, such as poverty, health, education, climate change, energy, livable cities, natural ecosystems, good governance, and partnerships. Seventeen in total, they constitute a roadmap for any nation wishing to safeguard its prosperity in the long term.

The year 2015 also marked by the adoption of the Paris Agreement under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, aiming to “combat climate change and to accelerate and intensify the actions needed for a sustainable low carbon future.”

The UN’S Serious Challenges

Despite the aforementioned key moments and undeniable breakthroughs, the UN has been facing some serious challenges, especially since the rise to power of US President Donald Trump and other like-minded world leaders who question their countries’ international commitments and pursue more unilateral economic, trade and security policies. The European Union is now the strongest proponent of multilateralism and diplomacy, however its endemic disunity prevents it from articulating a coherent voice on the global stage.

The UN’s 75^th anniversary finds the organization at a critical point. The COVID-19 pandemic has illustrated in the most flagrant manner how interconnected and interdependent our world has become. It has also shown how vital cooperation and concerted action proves to be when dealing with border crossing phenomena, while exposing at the same time preexisting inefficiencies and leadership gaps.

Looking Forward

The ability to intervene effectively in terms of peace, security, sustainable development and human rights issues will determine the UN’s chances to survive in a constantly changing and perplexing world. Possible inability to do so could mean global anarchy, the prevalence of power over international law, the dismissal of international treaties and agreements, uncontrollable conflicts and even full-scale warfare.

Seventy-five years of peace should not be taken for granted. As challenges and expectations continue to change, the same should be expected from the United Nations and the multilateral, rules-based system as a whole.

Past accomplishments do not guarantee a successful future and a quick revisiting of history books is enough to remind us of how quick humanity is to nurture its self-destructive instincts.

L'articolo UN Celebrates 75th Anniversary In Search of New Identity proviene da InsideOver.

Following over 40 years of deliberations, Greece and Italy have reached an agreement on delimiting an exclusive economic zone (EEZ). The agreement between the two neighboring Mediterranean countries was signed by foreign ministers Nikos Dendias and Luigi Di Maio during the latter’s visit to Athens on June 9.

Details of the EEZ Agreement

An extension of a 1977 bilateral accord, the EEZ agreement broke a decades-long stalemate in the Ionian Sea. Negotiation details were been kept under wraps for several years, mainly due to concerns raised by the Italian side over fishing rights.

The agreement also confirms the right of islands to have maritime zones, a point of particular importance for Greece in its perennial dispute with Turkey, which denies that islands have such rights.

The deal clears the way for both Greece and Italy to explore and exploit their maritime resources. Dendias and Di Maio had previously met in Rome earlier this year to discuss further cooperation between the two countries, in particular the energy sector, given Greece’s and Italy’s partnership on the EastMed gas pipeline project.

Mounting Tension in the Eastern Mediterranean

This development comes at a point of mounting tension in the wider Eastern Mediterranean region. Turkey has signed a controversial memorandum of understanding with the Tripoli-based government in Libya and claims exploration and drilling rights in parts of the Eastern Mediterranean overlapping with the Greek continental shelf. The memorandum was rejected by opposing Libyan General Khalifa Haftar, as well as Egypt, Cyprus, Greece, and Israel.

In an effort to counter Turkey’s actions in the region, Greece will seek to build upon its agreement with Italy by striking similar deals with Albania and Egypt. Athens and Tirana had reached an initial agreement in 2009, but this was overturned later by the Albanian Constitutional Court.

What Comes Next?

The Greek Foreign Minister also plans to visit Egypt soon in order to restart discussions for a maritime agreement between the two countries which would render any understanding between Turkey and Libya void. Bilateral relations between Cairo and Athens are currently at a high point, especially since the establishment of a trilateral cooperation mechanism with the inclusion of Cyprus in 2014, while both countries have different reasons to block Turkey’s attempts to increase its influence in the region.

Despite calls from both sides to resume negotiations for the resolution of bilateral problems, the situation in the Aegean remains fluid. During a press conference held last week, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan confirmed press reports that Turkey would explore and develop oil and gas fields in the Mediterranean together with the Libyan government. In response, Greek Defence Minister Nikos Panagiotopoulos stated that his country is ready for all possible events, including a military confrontation with Turkey, should provocations from Ankara continue.

With the war of proxies still raging in Libya and without any sustainable political solution in sight, the Eastern Mediterranean EEZ puzzle remains a tough one for all parties involved, especially since the notions of international law and sovereign rights seem to be interpreted differently according to each nation’s own ideas and convictions.

L'articolo Italy and Greece Draw the Line in the Ionian Sea proviene da InsideOver.

Former Egyptian leader Hosni Mubarak died on 25 February 2020 at the age of 91. Climbing the ranks towards the top of the national army, he was Egypt’s president for almost three decades, before losing his grip on power in just 18 days.

L'articolo Who Was Hosni Mubarak proviene da InsideOver.

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) issued their annual global round-up of deadly violence and abusive treatment against journalists on December 17, reporting that a total of 49 journalists having been killed this year, with 389 being currently in prison and 57 being held hostage.

Putting Violence Against Journalists In Context

Compiled on an annual basis since 1995, the round-up is based on detailed information and reaffirms “with certainty or a great deal of confidence that the death, detention, abduction or disappearance of each journalist was a direct result of their journalistic work”.

The number of journalists killed during the past twelve months has fallen by 50% compared to an annual average of 80 journalists killed during the last twenty years, mainly the result of fewer media workers dying in war zones.

At the same time, it is noted that journalism remains an extremely dangerous occupation. Out of the 49 journalists killed while practicing their profession around the world in 2019 (46 men, 3 women), 36 were professional journalists, 10 non-professionals and 3 media associates.

The Most Deadly Conflicts This Year For Journalists

Covering conflicts in Syria, Yemen and Afghanistan was two times less deadly for journalists in 2019, with a combined total of 17 journalists killed in these three countries compared to 34 in 2018.

This unprecedented fall in Syria, Yemen and Afghanistan must not however hide the fact that the number of journalists killed in countries at peace continues to be as high as in previous years. In Mexico, for example, 10 journalists were killed in 2019, the same number as last year. With a combined total of 14 journalists killed, Latin America is now as deadly for journalists as the Middle East, a region riddled with fratricidal clashes.

As a result of these parallel developments, more journalists (59%) are now being killed in countries at peace than in war zones. There has been a 2% increase in journalists being deliberately murdered or targeted, with 29 of them murdered in countries where peace prevails and more than 60% deliberately targeted. No journalist lost their lives while reporting abroad: all casualties were victims of attacks that took place within a journalist’s own nation.

The Percentage Of Journalists In Jail Has Increased

RSF’s “barometer” also records the number of journalists imprisoned internationally for simply doing their job, which numbered 389 this year (+12% compared to 2018). This increase is even more alarming because it does not include journalists who were arbitrarily recruited and detained for a few hours, a few days, or even a few weeks.

Almost half of jailed journalists (186 out of 389) are incarcerated in only three countries: China (120, almost one-third), Egypt (34) and Saudi Arabia (32). In the cases of Egypt and Saudi Arabia, most prisoners have not even been officially charged. In China, many detainees are minority Uyghurs and many others are citizen journalists who have tried to oppose the government’s censorship over the Internet. In Turkey, many imprisoned journalists were released, only to be re-arrested at some later point. According to the report, at least 57 journalists are being held hostage internationally, a number almost unchanged compared to 2018. Hostages are concentrated this year in the same four countries: Syria (30), Yemen (15), Iraq (11) and Ukraine (1).

As 2019 draws to a close, continuing demonstrations and protest movements have emerged more or less everywhere in the world, especially in Algeria, Hong Kong, Chile and Bolivia. This has contributed to a proliferation of attacks against journalists and brings up serious concerns about the uncertain conditions and protections in place for media professionals worldwide.

L'articolo Unprecedented Fall in the Number of Journalists Killed in 2019 proviene da InsideOver.

The leaders of France, Germany, Russia and Ukraine met on Monday 9 December in Paris in a renewed effort to end the armed conflict that has been raging in Ukraine for the past five years.

This was the first meeting of the so-called Normandy Format since October 2016. Its previous iterations in 2014 and 2015 resulted in the Minsk peace agreements, which contributed to a considerable de-escalation of hostilities in Eastern Ukraine that has claimed the lives of 13,000 people and has caused the displacement of millions of others.

A major factor in the Normandy Format’s re-emergence was the election of the incumbent Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky last May, for whom the achievement of peace in the Donbass region constitutes a top priority.

After several hours of deliberations, sides agreed on “a full and comprehensive implementation of the ceasefire, strengthened by the implementation of all necessary ceasefire support measures, before the end of the year 2019”. The sides also announced their agreement on working towards holding local elections in Donbass over the next four months, a considerable step forward despite pending disagreements on the voting procedure.

Apart from progress made on prisoner exchanges, ceasefire and a political evolution, Zelensky said he and Vladimir Putin had prepared the outline of an agreement that would allow the transit of Russian natural gas to continue through the territory of Ukraine. The current natural gas transit contract expires on 31 December this year.

Despite positive developments, the meeting did not produce the breakthrough everyone was hoping for. At the closing press conference that started just before Monday midnight, the Ukrainian President and his Russian counterpart disagreed publicly over the political issues that remain in the way of resolving the conflict, namely the restoration of Kyiv’s control over its borders and the granting of wider autonomy to the separatist regions. Nevertheless, leaders insisted that talks were fruitful and would lead to swift and more substantial progress in the coming weeks and months. The next meeting in the Normandy format is scheduled to take place within four months

For the host Emmanuel Macron, this summit subscribes to his recent efforts to further promote France’s role on the global diplomatic scene and in particular to reanimate a wider rapprochement with Moscow. It is the latest episode of a series of initiatives that started with the last G7 Summit again held on French soil when he also attempted to spearhead an easing of tensions between the United States and Iran and continued with strong statements about NATO’s purpose and integrity.

Unfortunately for him and the German Chancellor Angela Merkel, the progress recorded on Monday in Paris is not enough to recommend withdrawing economic sanctions against Russia in their debriefing to their fellow EU leaders during the upcoming European Council meeting on Thursday in Brussels. Monday’s discussions and their relatively unsatisfying outcome demonstrated once again the limits of any alliance, let alone an individual country, in addressing some of the world’s most complicated geopolitical issues.

L'articolo Normandy Summit Falls Short Of Ukrainian Expectations proviene da InsideOver.

Following the European Parliament’s approval of the new Commissioners last Wednesday in Strasbourg, Ursula von der Leyen will have taken office 1 December 2019 as the first female President of the European Commission.

In her opening statements, the new President of the European Commission chose to refer to many of the commitments she had already made during the Parliament’s plenary session in July. She stressed that proper investment and regulatory frameworks will be put into place for Europe to provide international leadership on a series of critical issues, such climate change, growth, inclusion, innovation and digitalisation, but also the protection of democracy, European values, citizens’ rights and the rule of law.

The new Commission is due to have started its five-year term on 1 December, one month later than expected, following the Parliament’s rejection of three of von der Leyen’s initial nominees – the Romanian, the Hungarian and, most significantly, the personal choice of President Emmanuel Macron for the French Commissioner.

In breach of decades-old all tradition, the new Commission will not be able to rely on a majority coalition of the two main political groups, the centre-right European People’s Party and the centre-left Socialists & Democrats, but will need to appeal to the liberal-centrist Renew Europe group or seek ad hoc support from a range of parties further to the right or left, including the Greens, who abstained from the vote on the new Commissioners College.

Trust to the new Commission might put to the test much earlier that one would think given von der Leyen’s wish to deliver during her first 100 days in office on a series of policy promises that she made last July to win her confirmation vote. This does not only include the famous Green Deal for Europe, but also legislative initiatives on a fair minimum wage, gender equality and the ethical use of artificial intelligence.

As former German minister for defence actively supported by French President Macron for the European Commission’s presidency, Ursula von der Leyen is caught in the crossfire between Berlin and Paris, with Macron and Merkel making contradictory statements on record as their teams back home are working to patch up serious disagreements on major issues, including EU expansion into the western Balkans, NATO and EU security policy, as well as the future of the Eurozone.

If one takes into account other intra-European divisions, such as the controversial issues of migration and asylum policy, respect of the rule-of-law, the effects of Brexit and tensions with the US, it seems highly improbable for von der Leyen to deviate from the crisis-response mode that outgoing President Jean-Claude Juncker has spent the last five years in.

Von der Leyen’s first big fight about the EU’s next Multiannual Financial Framework will determine to a great extent the fate of many of her policy plans. Ambitious objectives such as the Green Deal and her call for a 30 per cent spending increase on EU foreign aid programmes will require equally ambitious levels of funding.

However, the biggest threat to Ursula von der Leyen might come from the new Commission President herself. Making too many promises to too many sides might result in member-state governments wanting to set the terms of the discussion instead and marginalise the first-ever Commission led by a woman.

L'articolo Ursula von der Leyen’s off to a Tough Start proviene da InsideOver.

Following the EU leaders’ decision last July, Charles Michel will take over as President of the European Council on 1 December 2019. The former prime minister of Belgium will be the third person to hold the office since it was created by the Lisbon Treaty exactly one decade ago and the second Belgian to do so following the inaugural holder of the European Council’s presidency, Herman Van Rompuy.

The selection of the then Belgian premier to serve as the first Council president was intended to reassure smaller EU member states that their interests would be protected and not dominated by the union’s bigger countries (Germany, France and the United Kingdom).

Michel’s election follows the same logic: Belgium remains a smaller member state close to France and Germany, while his appointment satisfies the demand to give one of the EU’s top jobs to the liberal political family, whose influence in the Council has been significantly increased since the emergence of Emmanuel Macron. Michel is also a well known figure on the EU stage and can communicate in different languages with heads of state and government.

Persistence and endurance have been the main characteristics of Charles Michel’s career up to this point. The son of Louis Michel, former Belgian foreign minister and European commissioner, young Charles won a seat at the federal parliament at the age of 23, before becoming minister for the regional government of Wallonia at the age of 25 and federal minister for development by the age of 32. He remained in this post for three years until he became leader of the francophone liberal party, the Reformist Movement.

His rise to his country’s highest office in 2014 was somewhat coincidental. Representing the only francophone party in a four-party coalition that also included the Flemish liberals (VLD), the Flemish centre-right party (CD&V) and the New Flemish Alliance (N-VA), Michel was offered the premiership when CD&V chose the right to nominate Belgium’s European commissioner instead.

Michel’s first government lasted longer than any of his opponents or supporters had expected and in spite of serious challenges faced along the way, such as the terrorist attacks in Brussels in March 2016 or the regional government of Wallonia threatening to deny its approval of the EU’s trade deal with Canada in October 2016.

Having mastered the Belgian art of compromise through his dealing with the complexities of Belgian politics, Michel seems like a natural choice for the European Council’s presidency. Nevertheless, when there is no consensus on the rules of the game, things can end up in a stalemate even for a seasoned Belgian politician.

Michel’s frail government coalition collapsed at the end of last year, when the conservative N-VA party withdrew its previous consent to the signature of the UN Global Compact for Migration. That may be a bad omen as tensions in the European Council over migration policy or the EU’s long-term budget are not foreseen to be resolved in the immediate future. As it was demonstrated by his compatriot Herman Van Rompuy, a big part of a Council president’s success depends on knowing the limits of his powers.

Michel’s friendly and natural style and his reputation as a serious politician make him well-suited for the demands of his new position. Being a staunch believer in the EU project might seem like a prerequisite for the role, but in the current political environment that could also prove to be a weakness as Michel might struggle to win the trust of those national leaders who are more sceptical of the EU. At the end of the day, even he will have to keep in mind that not everyone can think like a Belgian.

L'articolo Charles Michel And The Belgian Art Of Compromise proviene da InsideOver.

The 9th of November marks the completion of thirty years since that autumn afternoon, when the Berlin communist authorities announced the lifting of travel restrictions for the citizens of the German Democratic Republic, signalling the beginning of the end of the socialist regime a few months later.

Thousands of people flocked in front of the Brandenburg Gate, the most distinctive point of the divided German capital, bursting with excitement in the face of the apparent access restoration to freedom. People’s dreams and hopes for a better life seemed to already come true with the detachment of the first 15-kilometre-long wall’s piece.

One generation afterwards, the first truly free in name and essence, the first without the memories of the socialist ideal, the nightmare of surveillance and the shortages of basic goods, the question about whether the expectations created by the reunification of a nation (and with it of a whole continent) were fully met remains unanswered.

History has repeatedly shown that it disregards any human prediction, let alone when it hastens to prejudge its end. History is a narrative, and that of the present era may not have condemned the socialist past with the uttermost certainty that one would expect three decades ago.

In today’s united Germany of exemplary social and economic planning, the contradictions remain alive: freedom and uncertainty, perspective and inequality, new and old, us and others. The euphoria of reunification was succeeded by the burden of reconstruction, the re-establishment of institutions and nation-wide convergence. Nowhere is this dual character of the present-day German state more characteristically reflected than its vibrant capital, where politics and art, development and poverty, cosmopolitanism and social exclusion compose an extremely dynamic portrait on a canvas of unparalleled cultural diversity.

For contemporary German youth, the notions of socialism, two German states and Stasi are not much more than demonized terms of a seemingly recent but empirically alien and ultimately incomprehensible historical period. For the elders, who have either lived in full or in part the most successful application of real socialism, an unexpected feeling of nostalgia shakes the coveted capitalist dream. Weren’t things finally what we imagined? Did the perpetual human feeling of dissatisfaction or incessant propaganda finally overshadow the self-evident conquests of the era that today seem utopian, such as universal employment, free housing, and education? Have the phenomena of secret surveillance, human rights violations, doping, party favouritism disappeared in our free society? Were we too quick to celebrate the end of illusions?

30 years after the wall fell, an invisible barrier remains between east and west, as large numbers of East Germans feel like second-class citizens. Two million people, mainly youngsters and women, have left the region since reunification in 1990, while the east is still lagging in terms of employment and income. This sense of insecurity and inferiority provides fertile ground for extreme parties, such as the far-right AfD and the far-left Die Linke.

The city of Berlin is fervently preparing for the anniversary celebrations. Among different events, an aquatic light installation will draw borderlines on the Spree River as numerous flashing rescue lamps will be used to symbolize a borderline between Kreuzberg (formerly West Berlin) and Friedrichshain (formerly East Berlin), a bright reminder of a dark past at a time when seemingly forgotten ghosts seem to revive. The message they send is more timely than ever: in man’s struggle for freedom, the greatest enemy is ourselves.

L'articolo 30 Years Since the Fall of the Berlin Wall: A Tainted Legacy proviene da InsideOver.

L'articolo 30 Years Since the Fall of the Berlin Wall: A Tainted Legacy proviene da InsideOver.

The Norwegian Nobel Committee announced on 11 October in Oslo the award of the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize to Abiy Ahmed Ali, Prime Minister of Ethiopia. 43-year-old Abiy was honoured for his efforts to “achieve peace and international cooperation”, in particular the ending of the 20-year conflict between his country and neighbouring Eritrea.

Ethiopia and Eritrea, long-time enemies involved in the 1998-2000 border war, restored their relations in July 2018 after years of hostility.

L'articolo Who Is Abiy Ahmed proviene da InsideOver.